62 resultados para radical discrimination


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What can explain the strong euroscepticism of radical parties of both the right and the left? This article argues that the answer lies in the paradoxical role of nationalism as a central element in both party families, motivating opposition towards European integration. Conventionally, the link between nationalism and euroscepticism is understood solely as a prerogative of radical right-wing parties, whereas radical left-wing euroscepticism is associated with opposition to the neoliberal character of the European Union.This article contests this view. It argues that nationalism cuts across party lines and constitutes the common denominator of both radical right-wing and radical left-wing euroscepticism. It adopts a mixed-methods approach, combining intensive case study analysis with quantitative analysis of party manifestos. First, it traces the link between nationalism and euroscepticism in Greece and France in order to demonstrate the internal validity of the argument. It then undertakes a cross-country statistical estimation to assess the external validity of the argument and its generalisability across Europe.

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This article examines the relationship between nationalism and liberal values, and more specifically the redefinition of boundaries between national communities and others in the rhetoric of radical right parties in Europe. The aim is to examine the tension between radical right party discourse and the increasing need to shape this discourse in liberal terms. We argue that the radical right parties that successfully operate within the democratic system tend to be those best able to tailor their discourse to the liberal and civic characteristics of national identity so as to present themselves and their ideologies as the true authentic defenders of the nation's unique reputation for democracy, diversity and tolerance. Comparing the success of a number of European radical right parties ranging from the most electorally successful SVP to the more mixed BNP, FN and NPD, we show that the parties that effectively deploy the symbolic resources of national identity through a predominantly voluntaristic prism tend to be the ones that fare better within their respective political systems. In doing so, we challenge the conventional view in the study of nationalism which expects civic values to shield countries from radicalism and extremism.

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This article considers whether the system of reprimands and final warnings in the youth justice system in England and Wales constitutes age discrimination for the purposes of human rights law. Whilst much youth justice discourse has addressed the use of diversionary measures that steer children away from formal justice processes, little attention has been paid to measures which negatively discriminate against children, in comparison to adults, without reasonable justification. The discussion contextualizes the issue within discourses on the sociology of childhood and youth justice, and considers why there is a general reluctance to recognize children as ‘victims’ of age discrimination.

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Where there is genetically based variation in selfishness and altruism, as in man, altruists with an innate ability to recognise and thereby only help their altruistic relatives may evolve. Here we use diploid population genetic models to chart the evolution of genetically-based discrimination in populations initially in stable equilibrium between altruism and selfishness. The initial stable equilibria occur because help is assumed subject to diminishing returns. Similar results were obtained whether we used a model with two independently inherited loci, one controlling altruism the other discrimination, or a one locus model with three alleles. The latter is the opposite extreme to the first model, and can be thought of as involving complete linkage between two loci on the same chromosome. The introduction of discrimination reduced the benefits obtained by selfish individuals, more so as the number of discriminators increased, and selfishness was eventually eliminated in some cases. In others selfishness persisted and the evolutionary outcome was a stable equilibrium involving selfish individuals and both discriminating and non-discriminating altruists. Heritable variation in selfishness, altruism and discrimination is predicted to be particularly evident among full sibs. The suggested coexistence of these three genetic dispositions could explain widespread interest within human social groups as to who will and who will not help others. These predictions merit experimental and observational investigation by primatologists, anthropologists and psychologists. Keywords: Population genetics, Diploid, Heritability, Prosocial, Behaviour genetics

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In 1938, Yugoslav sculptor Oscar Nemon arrived in Britain, having fled the Nazi invasion of Brussels, where he was living with Magritte. He was part of the European avant-garde that came to the UK as a refugee. Shortly thereafter, Nemon proposed a bold architectural plan to construct a temple of universal ethics in London and was in correspondence over this with central figures in Britain. After the war, he became know for his portrayal of figures like Churchil, culminating in a bust of Margaret Thatcher that is currently at the Tory HQ. Shown at Castlefield Gallery in 2013-2014, Radical Conservatism was an exhibition that explored the space between these two moments and asked whether these two terms are really antithetical. In the British context in particular, where the European avant-garde never really took hold, a kind of reactionary modernism has always defined a culture wary of revolution. But today more than ever, with the left increasingly holding on to the past of the welfare state as an ideal, and the right quietly revolutionising our world through neoliberal reforms, the paradigms of radicalism and conservatism need to be redefined. Can conservatism be seen as a radical position in itself? If art is defined by a movement towards the new - could 'holding on to the past' stubbornly be seen as a critical position, now that neo-liberalism has forced a far more radical shift in politics than the left has managed in a long time? Curated by Pil and Galia Kollectiv, featuring work by Chris Evans, IRWIN, Pil and Galia Kollectiv, Joseph Lewis, Patrick Moran, Oscar Nemon and Public Movement and a symposium with contributions from Professor Alun Rowlands and Robert Garnett.

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Caste based quotas in hiring have existed in the public sector in India for decades. Recently there has been debate about introducing similar quotas in private sector jobs. This paper uses a correspondence study to determine the extent of caste based discrimination in the Indian private sector. On average low-caste applicants need to send 20% more resumes than high-caste applicants to get the same callback. Differences in callback which favor high-caste applicants are particularly large when hiring is done by male recruiters or by Hindu recruiters. This finding provides evidence that differences in callback between high and low-caste applicants are not entirely due to statistical discrimination. High-caste applicants are also differentially favored by firms with a smaller scale of operations, while low-caste applicants are favored by firms with a larger scale of operations. This finding is consistent with taste-based theories of discrimination and with commitments made by large firms to hire actively from among low-caste groups.

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The relative rate method has been used to measure the room-temperature rate constants for the gasphase reactions of ozone and NO3 with selected monoterpenes and cyclo-alkenes with structural similarities to monoterpenes. Measurements were carried out at 298 ! 2 K and 760 ! 10 Torr. The following rate constants (in units of 10"18 cm3 molecule"1 s"1) were obtained for the reaction with ozone: methyl cyclohexene (132 ! 17), terpinolene (1290 ! 360), ethylidene cyclohexane (223 ! 57), norbornene (860 ! 240), t-butyl isopropylidene cyclohexane (1500 ! 460), cyclopentene (543 ! 94), cyclohexene (81 ! 18), cyclooctene (451 ! 66), dicyclopentadiene (1460 ! 170) and a-pinene (107 ! 13). For the reaction with NO3 the rate constants obtained (in units of 10"12 cm3 molecule"1 s"1) were: methyl cyclohexene (7.92 ! 0.95), terpinolene (47.9 ! 4.0), ethylidene cyclohexane (4.30 ! 0.24), norbornene (0.266 ! 0.029), cyclohexene (0.540 ! 0.017), cyclooctene (0.513 ! 0.029), dicyclopentadiene (1.20 ! 0.10) and a-pinene (5.17 ! 0.62). Errors are quoted as the root mean square of the statistical error (95% con!dence) and the quoted error in the rate constant for the reference compound. Combining these results with previous studies, new recommendations for the rate constants are presented. Molecular orbital energies were calculated for each alkene and the kinetic data are discussed in terms of the deviation from the structureeactivity relationship obtained from the rate constants for a series of simple alkenes. Lifetimes with respect to key initiators of atmospheric oxidation have been calculated suggesting that the studied reactions play dominant roles in the night-time removal of these compounds from the atmosphere.

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Recalling information involves the process of discriminating between relevant and irrelevant information stored in memory. Not infrequently, the relevant information needs to be selected from amongst a series of related possibilities. This is likely to be particularly problematic when the irrelevant possibilities are not only temporally or contextually appropriate but also overlap semantically with the target or targets. Here, we investigate the extent to which purely perceptual features which discriminate between irrelevant and target material can be used to overcome the negative impact of contextual and semantic relatedness. Adopting a distraction paradigm, it is demonstrated that when distracters are interleaved with targets presented either visually (Experiment 1) or auditorily (Experiment 2), a within-modality semantic distraction effect occurs; semantically-related distracters impact upon recall more than unrelated distracters. In the semantically-related condition, the number of intrusions in recall is reduced whilst the number of correctly recalled targets is simultaneously increased by the presence of perceptual cues to relevance (color features in Experiment 1 or speaker’s gender in Experiment 2). However, as demonstrated in Experiment 3, even presenting semantically-related distracters in a language and a sensory modality (spoken Welsh) distinct from that of the targets (visual English) is insufficient to eliminate false recalls completely, or to restore correct recall to levels seen with unrelated distracters . Together, the study shows how semantic and non-semantic discriminability shape patterns of both erroneous and correct recall.

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We present the first empirical study to reveal the presence of implicit discrimination in a non-experimental setting. By using a large dataset of in-match data in the English Premier League, we show that white referees award significantly more yellow cards against non-white players of oppositional identity. We argue that this is the result of implicit discrimination by showing that this discriminatory behaviour: (i) increases in how rushed the referee is before making a decision, and (ii) it increases in the level of ambiguity of the decision. The variation in (i) and (ii) cannot be explained by any form of conscious discrimination such as taste-based or statistical discrimination. Moreover, we show that oppositional identity players do not differ in their behaviour from other players along several dimensions related to aggressiveness and style of play providing further evidence that this is not statistical discrimination.

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Radical cations of a soluble rigid tetrathienoacene are capable of forming stable p-dimer dications at ambient temperature when the short backbone becomes extended with conjugated thiophene-2-yl substituents in the a-positions. On the other hand, simple attachment of methyl groups on the a-carbon of the external thiophen-2-yl rings proved sufficient to inhibit the dimerization. Stable radical cationswere also exclusively formed for tetrathienoacene derivatives end-capped with bulky TIPS and phenyl substituents.

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The reaction of the 17e nickel(I) radical [CpNi(IDipp)] (1, IDipp = 1,3-bis(2,6-diisopropylphenyl)imidazolin-2-ylidene) with P4 results in a nickel tetraphosphide [{CpNi(IDipp)}2(μ-η1:η1-P4)] with a butterfly-P42− ligand; related chalcogenides [{CpNi(IDipp)}2(μ-E2)] (E = S, Se, Te) and [{CpNi(IDipp)}2(μ-E3)] (E = S, Se) are formed with S8, Se∞ and Te∞.

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By applying methods of cognitive metaphor theory, Jaworska examines metaphorical scenarios employed in the discourse of anti-Slavism, which featured prominently in radical nationalist propaganda in Germany at the turn of the twentieth century. She does so by analysing metaphorical expressions used to refer to the Polish population living in the eastern provinces of Prussia, in the so-called Ostmark. Her article is based on an analysis of a range of pamphlets and newspaper articles written by some of the leading figures of two nationalist organizations: the Pan-German League (Alldeutscher Verband) and the Eastern Marches Society(Ostmarkenverein). The main research questions it addresses are: What kind of metaphoric scenarios were used to depict the Polish minority, and to what extent were the metaphorical patterns of anti-Slavic imagery similar to those employed in the antisemitic propaganda of the Nazi era? Is there a discursive continuity between the radical nationalism of imperial Germany and the National Socialism of the Third Reich at the level of metaphorical scenarios? Ultimately, Jaworska attempts to contribute to a better understanding of the cognitive mechanisms underlying radical and essentially racist attitudes.

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Radical cations of a heptathienoacene a,b-substituted with four n-decyl side groups (D4T7C+) form exceptionally stable p-dimer dications already at ambient temperature (Chem. Comm. 2011, 47, 12622). This extraordinary p-dimerization process is investigated here with a focus on the ultimate[D4T7C+]2 p-dimer dication and yet-unreported transitoryspecies formed during and after the oxidation. To this end, we use a joint experimental and theoretical approach that combines cyclic voltammetry, in situ spectrochemistry and spectroelectrochemistry, EPR spectroscopy, and DFT calculations. The impact of temperature, thienoacene concentration, and the nature and concentration of counteranions on the p-dimerization process is also investigated in detail. Two different transitory species were detected in the course of the one-electron oxidation: 1) a different transient conformation of the ultimate [D4T7C+]2 p-dimer dications, the stability of which is strongly affected by the applied experimental conditions, and 2) intermediate [D4T7]2C+ p-dimer radical cations formed prior to the fully oxidized [D4T7]2C+ p-dimer dications. Thus, this comprehensive work demonstrates the formation of peculiar supramolecular species of heptathienoacene radical cations, the stability, nature, and structure of which have been successfully analyzed. We therefore believe that this study leads to a deeper fundamental understanding of the mechanism of dimer formation between conjugated aromatic systems.

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This article examines the varied performance of radical left-wing Eurosceptic parties during the 2014 EP elections. While the performance of the radical right during this 'earthquake' election has been widely discussed, little attention has been paid to the radical left. The article examines the result comparatively, and identifies that: (1) across Europe, radical left-wing euroscepticism is limited to few countries, including Greece, Cyprus, France and Portugal; (2) the countries that have experienced the worst of the economic crisis did not experience a significant rise in far right-wing party support but did experience the rise of left-wing euroscepticism; (3) from this sample only Greece experienced the rise of both the radical right and radical left.

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This article aims to analyse how the meaning of the notions of ‘restrictions’ and ‘discrimination’ in EU free movement law has developed through the years, and to explore how the relationship between them has evolved. It is explained that the two concepts under examination had originally been closely intertwined, in the sense that one defined the other, the element holding them together being the aim of the relevant provisions to liberalise the inter-State movement of persons in the EU, as part of the process of establishing an internal market. Yet, more recently, the way that the Court has chosen to delimit their scope, illustrates that each of these notions can now have a life of its own, meaning that ‘discrimination’ can include discriminatory measures which do not lead to restrictions that are contrary to the free movement provisions, and ‘restriction’ can cover national measures that are not discriminatory.