Color adjectives and radical contextualism

Radical contextualists have observed that the content of what is said by the utterance of a sentence is shaped in far-reaching ways by the context of utterance. And they have argued that the ways in which the content of what is said is shaped by context cannot be explained by semantic theory. A striking number of the examples that radical contextualists use to support their view involve sentences containing color adjectives (“red”, “green”, etc.). In this paper, I show how the most sophisticated analysis of color adjectives within the explanatory framework of compositional truth conditional semantics—recently developed by Kennedy and McNally (Synthese 174(1):79–98 2010)—needs to be modified to handle the full range of contextual variation displayed by color adjectives.

'Response and Responsibility: Theories of the Implied Reader in Children's Literature Criticism'

Reader Response Theory remains popular within Children's Literature Criticism. It seems to offer a sensible resolution to the question of whether meaning derives from text or reader. Through a close reading of one example of this criticism, I suggest that its dualisms are constantly collapsing into appeals to singular authority. at various stages the text or the reader is wholly responsible for meaning. I further suggest that the criticism bypasses the question of interpretation through claiming knowledge of a child reader whose opinions and reactions can be unproblematically accessed. We do not have to worry about reading texts, because we can, apparently, know the child's response to them with certainty. Anything other than this claim to certainty is taken to be a failure of responsibility, a wallowing in the subjective, obscure and perverse. My intention is to reinstate reading as the responsibility of criticism.

The paradox of nationalism: the common denominator of radical right and radical left euroscepticism

What can explain the strong euroscepticism of radical parties of both the right and the left? This article argues that the answer lies in the paradoxical role of nationalism as a central element in both party families, motivating opposition towards European integration. Conventionally, the link between nationalism and euroscepticism is understood solely as a prerogative of radical right-wing parties, whereas radical left-wing euroscepticism is associated with opposition to the neoliberal character of the European Union.This article contests this view. It argues that nationalism cuts across party lines and constitutes the common denominator of both radical right-wing and radical left-wing euroscepticism. It adopts a mixed-methods approach, combining intensive case study analysis with quantitative analysis of party manifestos. First, it traces the link between nationalism and euroscepticism in Greece and France in order to demonstrate the internal validity of the argument. It then undertakes a cross-country statistical estimation to assess the external validity of the argument and its generalisability across Europe.

The civic zeitgeist: nationalism and liberal values in the European radical right

This article examines the relationship between nationalism and liberal values, and more specifically the redefinition of boundaries between national communities and others in the rhetoric of radical right parties in Europe. The aim is to examine the tension between radical right party discourse and the increasing need to shape this discourse in liberal terms. We argue that the radical right parties that successfully operate within the democratic system tend to be those best able to tailor their discourse to the liberal and civic characteristics of national identity so as to present themselves and their ideologies as the true authentic defenders of the nation's unique reputation for democracy, diversity and tolerance. Comparing the success of a number of European radical right parties ranging from the most electorally successful SVP to the more mixed BNP, FN and NPD, we show that the parties that effectively deploy the symbolic resources of national identity through a predominantly voluntaristic prism tend to be the ones that fare better within their respective political systems. In doing so, we challenge the conventional view in the study of nationalism which expects civic values to shield countries from radicalism and extremism.

Radical Conservatism

In 1938, Yugoslav sculptor Oscar Nemon arrived in Britain, having fled the Nazi invasion of Brussels, where he was living with Magritte. He was part of the European avant-garde that came to the UK as a refugee. Shortly thereafter, Nemon proposed a bold architectural plan to construct a temple of universal ethics in London and was in correspondence over this with central figures in Britain. After the war, he became know for his portrayal of figures like Churchil, culminating in a bust of Margaret Thatcher that is currently at the Tory HQ. Shown at Castlefield Gallery in 2013-2014, Radical Conservatism was an exhibition that explored the space between these two moments and asked whether these two terms are really antithetical. In the British context in particular, where the European avant-garde never really took hold, a kind of reactionary modernism has always defined a culture wary of revolution. But today more than ever, with the left increasingly holding on to the past of the welfare state as an ideal, and the right quietly revolutionising our world through neoliberal reforms, the paradigms of radicalism and conservatism need to be redefined. Can conservatism be seen as a radical position in itself? If art is defined by a movement towards the new - could 'holding on to the past' stubbornly be seen as a critical position, now that neo-liberalism has forced a far more radical shift in politics than the left has managed in a long time? Curated by Pil and Galia Kollectiv, featuring work by Chris Evans, IRWIN, Pil and Galia Kollectiv, Joseph Lewis, Patrick Moran, Oscar Nemon and Public Movement and a symposium with contributions from Professor Alun Rowlands and Robert Garnett.

The kinetics of the gas-phase reactions of selected monoterpenes and cyclo-alkenes with ozone and the NO3 radical

The relative rate method has been used to measure the room-temperature rate constants for the gasphase reactions of ozone and NO3 with selected monoterpenes and cyclo-alkenes with structural similarities to monoterpenes. Measurements were carried out at 298 ! 2 K and 760 ! 10 Torr. The following rate constants (in units of 10"18 cm3 molecule"1 s"1) were obtained for the reaction with ozone: methyl cyclohexene (132 ! 17), terpinolene (1290 ! 360), ethylidene cyclohexane (223 ! 57), norbornene (860 ! 240), t-butyl isopropylidene cyclohexane (1500 ! 460), cyclopentene (543 ! 94), cyclohexene (81 ! 18), cyclooctene (451 ! 66), dicyclopentadiene (1460 ! 170) and a-pinene (107 ! 13). For the reaction with NO3 the rate constants obtained (in units of 10"12 cm3 molecule"1 s"1) were: methyl cyclohexene (7.92 ! 0.95), terpinolene (47.9 ! 4.0), ethylidene cyclohexane (4.30 ! 0.24), norbornene (0.266 ! 0.029), cyclohexene (0.540 ! 0.017), cyclooctene (0.513 ! 0.029), dicyclopentadiene (1.20 ! 0.10) and a-pinene (5.17 ! 0.62). Errors are quoted as the root mean square of the statistical error (95% con!dence) and the quoted error in the rate constant for the reference compound. Combining these results with previous studies, new recommendations for the rate constants are presented. Molecular orbital energies were calculated for each alkene and the kinetic data are discussed in terms of the deviation from the structureeactivity relationship obtained from the rate constants for a series of simple alkenes. Lifetimes with respect to key initiators of atmospheric oxidation have been calculated suggesting that the studied reactions play dominant roles in the night-time removal of these compounds from the atmosphere.

Radical cations of end-capped tetrathienoacenes and their p-dimerization controlled by the nature of a-substituents and counterion concentration

Radical cations of a soluble rigid tetrathienoacene are capable of forming stable p-dimer dications at ambient temperature when the short backbone becomes extended with conjugated thiophene-2-yl substituents in the a-positions. On the other hand, simple attachment of methyl groups on the a-carbon of the external thiophen-2-yl rings proved sufficient to inhibit the dimerization. Stable radical cationswere also exclusively formed for tetrathienoacene derivatives end-capped with bulky TIPS and phenyl substituents.

Selective P4 activation by an organometallic nickel(I) radical: formation of a dinuclear nickel(II) tetraphosphide and related di- and trichalcogenides

The reaction of the 17e nickel(I) radical [CpNi(IDipp)] (1, IDipp = 1,3-bis(2,6-diisopropylphenyl)imidazolin-2-ylidene) with P4 results in a nickel tetraphosphide [{CpNi(IDipp)}2(μ-η1:η1-P4)] with a butterfly-P42− ligand; related chalcogenides [{CpNi(IDipp)}2(μ-E2)] (E = S, Se, Te) and [{CpNi(IDipp)}2(μ-E3)] (E = S, Se) are formed with S8, Se∞ and Te∞.

Anti-Slavic imagery in German radical nationalist discourse at the turn of the twentieth century: a prelude to Nazi ideology?

By applying methods of cognitive metaphor theory, Jaworska examines metaphorical scenarios employed in the discourse of anti-Slavism, which featured prominently in radical nationalist propaganda in Germany at the turn of the twentieth century. She does so by analysing metaphorical expressions used to refer to the Polish population living in the eastern provinces of Prussia, in the so-called Ostmark. Her article is based on an analysis of a range of pamphlets and newspaper articles written by some of the leading figures of two nationalist organizations: the Pan-German League (Alldeutscher Verband) and the Eastern Marches Society(Ostmarkenverein). The main research questions it addresses are: What kind of metaphoric scenarios were used to depict the Polish minority, and to what extent were the metaphorical patterns of anti-Slavic imagery similar to those employed in the antisemitic propaganda of the Nazi era? Is there a discursive continuity between the radical nationalism of imperial Germany and the National Socialism of the Third Reich at the level of metaphorical scenarios? Ultimately, Jaworska attempts to contribute to a better understanding of the cognitive mechanisms underlying radical and essentially racist attitudes.

Multistep π dimerization of tetrakis(n-decyl)heptathienoacene radical cations: a combined experimental and theoretical study

Radical cations of a heptathienoacene a,b-substituted with four n-decyl side groups (D4T7C+) form exceptionally stable p-dimer dications already at ambient temperature (Chem. Comm. 2011, 47, 12622). This extraordinary p-dimerization process is investigated here with a focus on the ultimate[D4T7C+]2 p-dimer dication and yet-unreported transitoryspecies formed during and after the oxidation. To this end, we use a joint experimental and theoretical approach that combines cyclic voltammetry, in situ spectrochemistry and spectroelectrochemistry, EPR spectroscopy, and DFT calculations. The impact of temperature, thienoacene concentration, and the nature and concentration of counteranions on the p-dimerization process is also investigated in detail. Two different transitory species were detected in the course of the one-electron oxidation: 1) a different transient conformation of the ultimate [D4T7C+]2 p-dimer dications, the stability of which is strongly affected by the applied experimental conditions, and 2) intermediate [D4T7]2C+ p-dimer radical cations formed prior to the fully oxidized [D4T7]2C+ p-dimer dications. Thus, this comprehensive work demonstrates the formation of peculiar supramolecular species of heptathienoacene radical cations, the stability, nature, and structure of which have been successfully analyzed. We therefore believe that this study leads to a deeper fundamental understanding of the mechanism of dimer formation between conjugated aromatic systems.