‘Warsaw Pact Military Doctrines in the 70s and 80s: Findings in the East German Archives’

This article draws on Warsaw Treaty Organisation and East German military archives to demonstrate that the WTO's military exercises until the mid-1990s always envisaged an offensive strategy with the aim of reaching the Channel in a few days. Only gradually did this change under Gorbachev and to include also defensive strategies, very much against the opposition of East Germany.

Denial of change: the 'Military Revolution' as seen by contemporaries

Writers on military matters from the 14th century until the late 18th century either regretted the decadence of their times compared with Antiquity, or they saw no great change in military affairs since Antiquity. Few saw a revolutionary change ushered in by gunpowder, although this number increased since the great "querelle" about the Ancients and the Moderns under Louis XIV. In the early 19th century, the balance tipped, and few would have denied that technology had profoundly changed warfare. All this is a far cry, however, from any contemporary perception of a "Military Revolution" in the 16th and 17th centuries.

Military competition and the emergence of nationalism: putting the logic of political survival into historical context

This essay aims to make a contribution to the conversation between IR and nationalism literatures by considering a particular question: What is the relationship between interstate military competition and the emergence of nationalism as a potent force in world politics? The conventional wisdom among international security scholars, especially neorealists, holds that nationalism can be more or less treated like a “technology” that allowed states to extract significant resources as well as manpower from their respective populations. This paper underlines some of the problems involved with this perspective and pushes forward an interpretation that is based on the logic of political survival. I argue that nationalism’s emergence as a powerful force in world politics followed from the “mutation” and absorption of the universalistic/cosmopolitan republican ideas that gained temporary primacy in Europe during the eighteenth century into particularistic nationalist ideologies. This transformation, in turn, can be best explained by the French Revolution’s dramatic impacts on rulers’ political survival calculi vis-à-vis both interstate and domestic political challenges. The analysis offered in this essay contributes to our understanding of the relationship between IR and nationalism while also highlighting the potential value of the political survival framework for exploring macrohistorical puzzles.

Therapeutic benefit of low-dose clopidogrel in patients undergoing carotid surgery is linked to variability in the platelet adenosine diphosphate response and patients' weight

BACKGROUND AND PURPOSE: We have previously shown that a single 75-mg tablet of clopidogrel, taken before carotid endarterectomy, significantly reduces postoperative embolization, a marker of thromboembolic stroke. This study explores the antiplatelet effect of this submaximal dose. METHODS: Fifty-six patients on long-term aspirin (150 mg) were randomized to 75 mg clopidogrel or placebo before carotid endarterectomy. Blood samples were taken pre- and postdrug administration and at the end of surgery to measure platelet activation and adenosine diphosphate (ADP) response by flow cytometry and aggregometry. RESULTS: Surgery produced a significant rise in platelet activation in vivo as evidenced by a rise in the percentage of monocyte-platelet aggregates in patients given placebo, but this was not seen in patients receiving clopidogrel. Before surgery, clopidogrel produced a significant reduction in the platelet response to ADP; for example, with 10(-6)M ADP, 77.32+/-2.3% bound fibrinogen in placebo group compared with 67.16+/-3.1% after clopidogrel (P=0.01). This was accentuated after surgery when the percentage of platelets binding fibrinogen in response to ADP was 76.53+/-2.2% in patients given placebo and 62.84+/-3.3% in the clopidogrel group (P=0.002). Similar differences were seen over a range of ADP concentrations and by aggregometry. Platelet responsiveness before treatment was highly variable and was positively correlated with the inhibitory effect of clopidogrel; patients with the highest baseline response to ADP showed the greatest response to clopidogrel. A negative correlation was seen between the effect of clopidogrel and patients' weight (r=0.57; P=0.002). CONCLUSIONS: These results explain how a single 75-mg dose of clopidogrel produces a significant clinical impact on embolization.

Strong armies, slow adaptation: civil-military relations and diffusion of military power

Why are some states more willing to adopt military innovations than others? Why, for example, were the great powers of Europe able to successfully reform their military practices to better adapt to and participate in the so-called military revolution of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries while their most important extra-European competitor, the Ottoman Empire, failed to do so? This puzzle is best explained by two factors: civil-military relations and historical timing. In the Ottoman Empire, the emergence of an institutionally strong and internally cohesive army during the early stages of state formation—in the late fourteenth century—equipped the military with substantial bargaining powers. In contrast, the great powers of Europe drew heavily on private providers of military power during the military revolution and developed similar armies only by the second half of the seventeenth century, limiting the bargaining leverage of European militaries over their rulers. In essence, the Ottoman standing army was able to block reform efforts that it believed challenged its parochial interests. Absent a similar institutional challenge, European rulers initiated military reforms and motivated officers and military entrepreneurs to participate in the ongoing military revolution.

From services to civilian: the geographies of veterans’ post-military lives

This paper explores the spatiality of (post)military identities, demonstrating the continuing impact of having been part of the military community despite the passage of time. Our tri-service respondents highlighted the challenges faced even by those deemed to have ‘successfully’ transitioned to ‘Civvy Street’, articulating discourses of loss and separation. While some had achieved closure with their past military selves, others struggled and became stuck in a liminal space between civilian and military lives that perpetuated feelings of isolation. Our work contributes to understandings of military geographies and highlights the importance of conceptualising post-institutional transitions as a process in order to understand how individuals negotiate their identities in changing spatial circumstances.

Military targeting in the context of self-defence actions

In order to bring conceptual clarity to a particular dimension of the relationship between the jus ad bellum and the jus in bello regimes, this article explores the independent sources of a military targeting rule in both branches of international law. The aim is not to displace the jus in bello as the ‘lead’ regime on how targeting decisions must be made, or to undermine the traditional separation between these regimes. Rather, conceptual light is shed on a sometimes assumed but generally neglected dimension of the jus ad bellum’s necessity and proportionality criteria that may, in limited circumstances, have significance for our understanding of human protection during war, by covering possible gaps in the jus in bello targeting rules.

Highly efficient neural differentiation of human somatic stem cells, isolated by minimally invasive periodontal surgery

Neural stem cells (NSCs) are potential sources for cell therapy of neurodegenerative diseases and for drug screening. Despite their potential benefits, ethical and practical considerations limit the application of NSCs derived from human embryonic stem cells (ES) or adult brain tissue. Thus, alternative sources are required to satisfy the criteria of ready accessibility, rapid expansion in chemically defined media and reliable induction to a neuronal fate. We isolated somatic stem cells from the human periodontium that were collected during minimally invasive periodontal access flap surgery as part of guided tissue regeneration therapy. These cells could be propagated as neurospheres in serum-free medium, which underscores their cranial neural crest cell origin. Culture in the presence of epidermal growth factor (EGF) and fibroblast growth factor-2 (FGF-2) under serum-free conditions resulted in large numbers of nestin-positive/Sox-2-positive NSCs. These periodontium-derived (pd) NSCs are highly proliferative and migrate in response to chemokines that have been described as inducing NSC migration. We used immunocytochemical techniques and RT-PCR analysis to assess neural differentiation after treatment of the expanded cells with a novel induction medium. Adherence to substrate, growth factor deprivation, and retinoic acid treatment led to the acquisition of neuronal morphology and stable expression of markers of neuronal differentiation by more than 90% of the cells. Thus, our novel method might provide nearly limitless numbers of neuronal precursors from a readily accessible autologous adult human source, which could be used as a platform for further experimental studies and has potential therapeutic implications.

From warfare to welfare: veterans, military charities and the blurred spatiality of post-service welfare in the United Kingdom

The military offers a form of welfare-for-work but when personnel leave they lose this safety net, a loss exacerbated by the rollback neoliberalism of the contemporary welfare state. Increasingly the third sector has stepped in to address veterans’ welfare needs through operating within and across military/civilian and state/market/community spaces and cultures. In this paper we use both veterans’ and military charities’ experiences to analyse the complex politics that govern the liminal boundary zone of post-military welfare. Through exploring ‘crossing’ and ‘bridging’ we conceptualise military charities as ‘boundary subjects’, active yet dependent on the continuation of the civilian-military binary, and argue that the latter is better understood as a multidirectional, multiscalar and contextual continuum. Post-military welfare emerges as a competitive, confused and confusing assemblage that needs to be made more navigable in order to better support the ‘heroic poor’.

Civilian casualties – do we really care? The failure of the revolution in military affairs of non-lethal weapons in the U.S., Russia and Israel

Causing civilian casualties during military operations has become a much politicised topic in international relations since the Second World War. Since the last decade of the 20th century, different scholars and political analysts have claimed that human life is valued more and more among the general international community. This argument has led many researchers to assume that democratic culture and traditions, modern ethical and moral issues have created a desire for a world without war or, at least, a demand that contemporary armed conflicts, if unavoidable, at least have to be far less lethal forcing the military to seek new technologies that can minimise civilian casualties and collateral damage. Non-Lethal Weapons (NLW) – weapons that are intended to minimise civilian casualties and collateral damage – are based on the technology that, during the 1990s, was expected to revolutionise the conduct of warfare making it significantly less deadly. The rapid rise of interest in NLW, ignited by the American military twenty five years ago, sparked off an entirely new military, as well as an academic, discourse concerning their potential contribution to military success on the 21st century battlefields. It seems, however, that except for this debate, very little has been done within the military forces themselves. This research suggests that the roots of this situation are much deeper than the simple professional misconduct of the military establishment, or the poor political behaviour of political leaders, who had sent them to fight. Following the story of NLW in the U.S., Russia and Israel this research focuses on the political and cultural aspects that have been supposed to force the military organisations of these countries to adopt new technologies and operational and organisational concepts regarding NLW in an attempt to minimise enemy civilian casualties during their military operations. This research finds that while American, Russian and Israeli national characters are, undoubtedly, products of the unique historical experience of each one of these nations, all of three pay very little regard to foreigners’ lives. Moreover, while it is generally argued that the international political pressure is a crucial factor that leads to the significant reduction of harmed civilians and destroyed civilian infrastructure, the findings of this research suggest that the American, Russian and Israeli governments are well prepared and politically equipped to fend off international criticism. As the analyses of the American, Russian and Israeli cases reveal, the political-military leaderships of these countries have very little external or domestic reasons to minimise enemy civilian casualties through fundamental-revolutionary change in their conduct of war. In other words, this research finds that employment of NLW have failed because the political leadership asks the militaries to reduce the enemy civilian casualties to a politically acceptable level, rather than to the technologically possible minimum; as in the socio-cultural-political context of each country, support for the former appears to be significantly higher than for the latter.