Synthesis and cytotoxicity studies of new dimethylamino-functionalised and aryl-substituted titanocene anti-cancer agents

From the carbolithiation of 6-N,N-dimethylamino fulvene (3a) and different lithiated aryl species [p-N,N-dimethylanilinyl lithium, p-anisyl lithium and 4-lithio-benzo[1.3]dioxole (2a-c)], the corresponding lithium cyclopentadienide intermediates 4a-c were formed. These three lithiated intermediates underwent a transmetallation reaction with TiCl4 resulting in dimethylamino-functionalised and aryl-substituted titanocenes 5a-c. When these titanocenes were tested against LLC-PK cells, the IC50 values obtained were of 54, 45 and 26 mu M for titanocenes 5a, b and c, respectively. The most cytotoxic titanocene in this paper, 5c is approximately 10 times less cytotoxic than cis-platin, which showed an IC50 value of 3.3 mu M, when tested on the LLC-PK cell line, but approximately 100 times better than titanocene dichloride. (C) 2007 Elsevier Masson SAS. All rights reserved.

Synthesis and cytotoxicity studies of new dimethylamino-functionalised and indolyl-substituted titanocene anti-cancer drugs

From the carbolithiation of 6-N,N-dimethylamino fulvene (3a) and different ortho-lithiated indole derivatives (5-methoxy-N-methylindole, N-methylindole and N,N-dimethylaminomethylindole), the corresponding lithium cyclopentadienide intermediate (4a-c) was formed. These three lithiated intermediates underwent a transmetallation reaction with TiCl4 resulting in dimethylamino-functionalised titanocenes (5a-c). When these titanocenes were tested against LLC-PK cells, the IC50 values obtained were of 37 and 71 mu M for titanocenes 5a and 5b respectively. The most cytotoxic titanocene in this paper, 5c showed an IC50 value of 8.4 mu M is found to be almost as cytotoxic as cis-platin, which showed an IC50 value of 3.3 mu M, when tested on the LLC-PK cell line, and titanocene 5c is approximately 250 times better than titanocene dichloride itself.

Contested and contesting identities: minority languages vs. the teaching of 'world' languages within the global cultural economy

This paper juxtaposes postmodernist discourses on language, identity and cultural power with historical forms of language inequalities grounded in the nation-state. The discussion is presented in three sections. The first section focuses on the mixed legacies of language-state relations within the pluralist nation-state, colonial and postcolonial language policies. The second section examines the concept of linguistic minority rights beyond the nation-state. This incorporates discussion of transmigration, the breaking up of previous power blocs in Eastern Europe and the role of language in the articulation of emergent 'ethnic' nationalisms. The third section examines the concept of multilingualism within the interactive cultural landscape defined by 'informationalism'. Discussing the collective impact of these variables on the shaping of new cultural, economic and political inequalities, the paper highlights the tensions in which the concept of linguistic minority rights exists in the world today.

Economic and political influences on urban planning: a comparison of London, Paris and Berlin

This paper addressed the degree of autonomy experienced by the planning regimes of London, Paris and Berlin. What variation exists in the governance of these cities and how do national, local, political, business and community interests effect planning decisions? The discussion is placed in the context of the literature on world cities and growth coalitions and the debate over whether economic forces compel cities to follow similar strategies. The paper concludes that in the case of the three cities examined there is considerable variation of planning approach due to different historical, cultural and political factors.

Planning, conservation and political ideology: the British case

This paper examines some broad issues concerning the role that conservation policy plays in statutory planning in Britain. It argues that planning contains a number of different, often conflicting, objectives. Conservation, in contributing to one of these objectives, exacerbates this conflict. The paper further argues that since different objectives are accorded different priorities depending upon the prevailing political ideology, conservation policy is not only operating within the context of possibly opposing planning objectives, but also within a particular political environment which will separately determine the degree of importance attached to it. The British example is used to explore these themes, particularly in examining the ideological basis for the redefinition of preservation and protection away from their welfarist traditions towards issues of private rights and market supremacy. The paper concludes that rather than contributing to social welfare, planning and conservation policy is now contributing to the increasing division between rich and poor in society.

Behaviour change in the UK climate debate : an assessment of responsibility, agency and political dimensions

This paper explores the politics around the role of agency in the UK climate change debate. Government interventions on the demand side of consumption have increasingly involved attempts to obtain greater traction with the values, attitudes and beliefs of citizens in relation to climate change and also in terms of influencing consumer behaviour at an individual level. With figures showing that approximately 40% of the UK’s carbon emissions are attributable to household and transport behaviour, policy initiatives have progressively focused on the facilitation of “sustainable behaviours”. Evidence suggests however, that mobilisation of pro-environmental attitudes in addressing the perceived “value-action gap” has so far had limited success. Research in this field suggests that there is a more significant and nuanced “gap” between context and behaviour; a relationship that perhaps provides a more adroit reflection of reasons why people do not necessarily react in the way that policy-makers anticipate. Tracing the development of the UK Government’s behaviour change agenda over the last decade, we posit that a core reason for the limitations of this programme relates to an excessively narrow focus on the individual. This has served to obscure some of the wider political and economic aspects of the debate in favour of a more simplified discussion. The second part of the paper reports findings from a series of focus groups exploring some of the wider political views that people hold around household energy habits, purchase and use of domestic appliances, and transport behaviour-and discusses these insights in relation to the literature on the agenda’s apparent limitations. The paper concludes by considering whether the aims of the Big Society approach (recently established by the UK’s Coalition Government) hold the potential to engage more directly with some of these issues or whether they merely constitute a “repackaging” of the individualism agenda.

"You can see some eagles. And hear the trumpets": the literary and political hinterland of T.S. Eliot's 'Coriolan'

There has been an increased amount of scholarly interest lately in T.S. Eliot's unfinished sequence, Coriolan (1932)—interest drawn from its Shakespearian allusiveness, and from analysis of this writing's particularly rebarbative, jarring poetic. Although, however, the two parts of the sequence published by Eliot are acknowledged as being his nearest approach to poetic commentary upon contemporary political ideas, little criticism exists establishing the hinterland of the political thought, with which Eliot was most familiar, as editor of the Criterion. Coriolan emerges at a time when the lure of fascism pulled hardest at Eliot's sensibility. This article reviews the full political context provided by Eliot's journal, as well as considering the connections between that political engagement and the readings of Shakespeare he was also promulgating through this forum, in order to provide a more complex sense than hitherto of the diverse pressures underlying the unsettled nature of the existing Coriolan poems.

The national dialogue on behaviour change in UK climate policy: some observations on responsibility, agency and political dimensions

This chapter explores the politics around the role of agency in the UK climate change debate. Government interventions on the demand side of consumption have increasingly involved attempts to obtain greater traction with the values, attitudes and beliefs of citizens in relation to climate change and also in terms of influencing consumer behaviour at an individual level. With figures showing that approximately 40% of the UK’s carbon emissions are attributable to household and transport behaviour, policy initiatives have progressively focused on the facilitation of “sustainable behaviours”. Evidence suggests however, that mobilisation of pro-environmental attitudes in addressing the perceived “value-action gap” has so far had limited success. Research in this field suggests that there is a more significant and nuanced “gap” between context and behaviour; a relationship that perhaps provides a more adroit reflection of reasons why people do not necessarily react in the way that policy-makers anticipate. Tracing the development of the UK Government’s behaviour change agenda over the last decade, we posit that a core reason for the limitations of this programme relates to an excessively narrow focus on the individual. This has served to obscure some of the wider political and economic aspects of the debate in favour of a more simplified discussion. The second part of the chapter reports findings from a series of focus groups exploring some of the wider political views that people hold around household energy habits, purchase and use of domestic appliances, and transport behaviour-and discusses these insights in relation to the literature on the agenda’s apparent limitations. The chapter concludes by considering whether the aims of the Big Society approach (recently established by the UK’s Coalition Government) hold the potential to engage more directly with some of these issues or whether they merely constitute a “repackaging” of the individualism agenda.

Parabens can enable hallmarks and characteristics of cancer in human breast epithelial cells: a review of the literature with reference to new exposure data and regulatory status

A framework for understanding the complexity of cancer development was established by Hanahan and Weinberg in their definition of the hallmarks of cancer. In this review, we consider the evidence that parabens can enable development in human breast epithelial cells of 4/6 of the basic hallmarks, 1/2 of the emerging hallmarks and 1/2 of the enabling characteristics. Hallmark 1: parabens have been measured as present in 99% of human breast tissue samples, possess oestrogenic activity and can stimulate sustained proliferation of human breast cancer cells at concentrations measurable in the breast. Hallmark 2: parabens can inhibit the suppression of breast cancer cell growth by hydroxytamoxifen, and through binding to the oestrogen-related receptor gamma (ERR) may prevent its deactivation by growth inhibitors. Hallmark 3: in the 10nM to 1M range, parabens give a dose-dependent evasion of apoptosis in high-risk donor breast epithelial cells. Hallmark 4: long-term exposure (>20weeks) to parabens leads to increased migratory and invasive activity in human breast cancer cells, properties which are linked to the metastatic process. Emerging hallmark: methylparaben has been shown in human breast epithelial cells to increase mTOR, a key regulator of energy metabolism. Enabling characteristic: parabens can cause DNA damage at high concentrations in the short term but more work is needed to investigate long-term low-doses of mixtures. The ability of parabens to enable multiple cancer hallmarks in human breast epithelial cells provides grounds for regulatory review of the implications of the presence of parabens in human breast tissue.

New furoquinoline alkaloid and flavanone glycoside derivatives from the leaves of Oricia suaveolens and Oricia renieri (Rutaceae)

Fractionation of the methanol extract of the leaves of Oricia renieri and Oricia suaveolens (Rutaceae) led to the isolation of 13 compounds including the hitherto unknown furoquinoline alkaloid named 6,7-methylenedioxy-5-hydroxy-8-methoxydictamnine (1) and a flavanone glycoside named 5-hydroxy-40-methoxy-7-O-[a-Lrhamnopyranosyl(1000→500)-b-D-apiofuranosyl]-flavanoside (2), together with 11 known compounds (3–13). The structures of the compounds were determined by comprehensive analyses of their 1D and 2D NMR, mass spectral data and comparison. All compounds isolated were examined for their activity against human carcinoma cell lines. The alkaloids 1, 5, 12, 13 and the phenolic 2, 8, 11 tested compounds exhibited non-selective moderate cytotoxic activity with IC50 8.7–15.9mM whereas compounds 3, 4, 6, 7, 9 and 10 showed low activity.