LMS tables for waist circumference and waist-to-height ratio among Colombian children and adolescents: The FUPRECOL study

Background: Indices predictive of central obesity include waist circumference (WC) and waist-to-height ratio (WHtR). The aims of this study were 1) to establish a Colombian youth smoothed centile charts and LMS tables for WC and WHtR and 2) to evaluate the utility of these parameters as predictors of overweight and obesity. Method: A cross-sectional study whose sample population comprised 7954 healthy Colombian schoolchildren [boys n=3460 and girls n=4494, mean (standard deviation) age 12.8 (2.3) years old]. Weight, height, body mass index (BMI), WC and WHtR and its percentiles were calculated. Appropriate cut-offs point of WC and WHtR for overweight and obesity, as defined by the International Obesity Task Force (IOTF) definitions, were selected using receiver operating characteristic (ROC) analysis. The discriminating power of WC and WHtR was expressed as area under the curve (AUC). Results: Reference values for WC and WHtR are presented. Mean WC increased and WHtR decreased with age for both genders. We found a moderate positive correlation between WC and BMI (r= 0.756, P < 0.01) and WHtR and BMI (r= 0.604, P < 0.01). The ROC analysis showed a high discrimination power in the identification of overweight and obesity for both measures in our sample population. Overall, WHtR was slightly a better predictor for overweight/obesity (AUC 95% CI 0.868-0.916) than the WC (AUC 95% CI 0.862-0.904). Conclusion: This paper presents the first sex- and age-specific WC and WHtR percentiles for both measures among Colombian children and adolescents aged 9–17.9 years. By providing LMS tables for Latin-American people based on Colombian reference data, we hope to provide quantitative tools for the study of obesity and its comorbidities.

International Organizations: Fostering Democracy “at Home”: From Silent Players to Salient Players?

The international dimension of democratisation is a major concern in the study of contemporary political systems. The analysis of domestic political transformations in which International Organisations (IOs) may be salient actors compromises the traditional inward-looking approach of comparative politics that holds democracy to be a domestic affair par excellence. Nevertheless, the maturity of any process of democratisation relies upon the establishment and sustainability of institutions that genuinely reflect the interests and socio-political identity of the citizens of that polity. The role of external influence, whether progressive or abrupt, is clearly limited in constructing and sustaining this process. However, the relevance of international variables in influencing the renaissance or enhancement of democracy has not been overlooked by either scholars or politicians over the past fifteen years. As a number of political systems went through what became known as the third wave of democratization, the role of IOs in breaking down undemocratic strongholds and in neutralising possible reversals began to gain momentum. Contending approaches and controversial case studies alike appear to elicit very different conclusions concerning the legitimacy and the effectiveness of international actors in this field. This analysis addresses the rationale underpinning the deployment of multilateral external actors as agents of democratisation. Drawing on an integrative theoretical approach and a comparative case study involving the democratisation agendas of the Organization of American States (OAS) and the United Nations (UN) in Latin America (LA), contrasting international models of deployment are assessed. It is argued that IOs’ democratisation strategies are based on institutional roadmaps leading towards the attainment of targets which vary according to three key ´guidelines’: how democracy is conceptualised, what cooperative strategies are used, and what frameworks for democratisation are adopted.-----La dimensión internacional de la democratización representa un fenómeno importante de los sistemas políticos contemporáneos. El hecho de que la transformación política interna sea incluida bajo el título de organizaciones internacionales (OI) indica un rompimiento con el enfoque tradicional de observación interna de la política comparativa, si se parte de la suposición de que la “democracia” es un asunto interno por excelencia. Hay procesos complejos que limitan la viabilidad de la fortuna democrática en la política interior, los cuales dependen de las estructuras representativas del poder que fluye de la legitimidad nacional y la identidad política. No obstante, los estímulos internacionales que sostienen a los sistemas nacionales de gobierno, estructurados alrededor de la construcción y la consolidación de la democracia, están en el centro de la política comparativa contemporánea. Cuando varios sistemas políticos atravesaban la tercera ola de democratización, las OI asumieron rápidamente una posición significativa como agentes que neutralizaban los miedos a la inversión de políticas, rompiendo lazos con formas antidemocráticas de gobierno y eliminando las normas informales de los juegos democráticos. Las dinámicas mencionadas dan fundamento para abordar el debate sobre los modelos externos de apoyo. Mediante un enfoque teórico integrador y un estudio comparativo de casos de las agendas de democratización de la Organización de Estados Americanos y las Naciones Unidas dirigidas a la problemática democrática latinoamericana, se aclaran modelos internacionales “ocultos” de despliegue. Se argumenta que las estrategias de las OI para democratizar se fundamentan en que los planes de desarrollo institucionales para la democratización lleguen a los objetivos democráticos a través de tres “guías” multilaterales: conceptualización de la democracia, estrategias de cooperación y marcos de referencia especiales para la democratización.