3 resultados para Security metrics
em Universidad del Rosario, Colombia
Resumo:
Over the last decades the issue of insecurity due to an increase in crime rates and its possible impact on the stability of Latin American democracies has sparked an ongoing debate. In this context, the present article studies, for the case of Argentina, how experiences and sensations of insecurity may be articulated to demands for greater punitive rigor. The analysis is based on two types of information. Initially, data from international surveys such as Latinoabarometer are considered. Then, these are compared to data from prolonged on-site observations in a poor neighborhood of a mid-sized Argentine city. The combination of these different types of data shows the complexity of the process. Contrary to what is often assumed, experiences and sensations of insecurity do not lineally lead to demands for greater punitive rigor. The way in which social actors elaborate their experiences of insecurity is highly situational and not systematic. We have found that there is not necessarily a consistent process of ‘meaning construction’ that articulates experiences and sensations of insecurity with political demands.
Resumo:
The article attempts to explain the main paradox faced by Canada at formulating its foreign policy on international security. Explained in economic and political terms, this paradox consists in the contradiction between the Canadian ability to achieve its strategic goals, serving to its own national interest and its dependence on the United States. The first section outlines three representative examples to evaluate this paradox: the Canada’s position in North American security regime, the US-Canada economic security relations, and the universe of possibilities for action of Canada as a middle power. The second section suggests that liberal agenda, especially concerning to ethical issues, has been established by this country to minimize this paradox. By pursing this agenda, Canada is able to reaffirm its national identity and therefore its independence on the United States. The third section evaluates both the explained paradox and the reaffirmation of Canadian identity during the Jean Chrétien (1993-2003), Paul Martin (2003-2006) and Stephen Harper’s (2006) governments.
Resumo:
With security being viewed as ensuring protection from physical and mental harm, freedom from want and fear, human security has moved to the centre stage of the global development agenda. This paper argues that even with low income, one can achieve higher human development like higher life expectancy, lower fertility and high literacy. Amartya Sen, Nobel Laureate of India, has characterised it as “development as freedom”. Lack of substantive freedom is inexorably linked to economic poverty and backwardness. Nearly all States in India have succeeded in reducing poverty, but those States with better human development have fared better. The trickle-down alone will not spread the benefits of reform. Measured State intervention and adequate provision of safety nets for the vulnerable sections of people are needed to make development more sustainable. Democracy and development go hand in hand. The democratic, accountable and transparent governance is the best insurance against poverty and marginalisation. The test of good governance must be premised on how the State and civil society negotiate differences via constitutional guarantees and political institutions. Good governance is the key to equitable growth.-----Con la visión de la seguridad como la garantía de protección contra daños físicos y mentales, de estar liberados de necesidades y temores, la seguridad humana ha pasado a ser la estrella central del programa del desarrollo global. En este trabajo se argumenta que, incluso con ingresos bajos, uno puede lograr un mayor desarrollo humano, como una esperanza de vida más larga, una menor fertilidad y una mejor educación. Amartya Sen, Premio Nobel de India, lo ha caracterizado como “el desarrollo como libertad”. La falta de libertad fundamental está vinculada inexorablemente a la pobreza económica y el retraso. Casi todos los Estados de la India han reducido la pobreza con éxito, pero aquellos que tienen un mejor desarrollo humano han salido mejor. Tan solo esta reducción paulatina no va a difundir los beneficios de la reforma. La intervención medida del Estado y su adecuado suministro de redes de seguridad para los sectores vulnerables de la población son necesarios para hacer más sostenible el desarrollo. La democracia y el desarrollo van de la mano. El gobierno democrático, responsable y transparente es el mejor seguro contra la pobreza y la marginalización. La prueba del buen gobierno debe tener como premisa la forma en que el Estado y la sociedad civil negocien las diferencias a través de garantías constitucionales e instituciones políticas. El buen gobierno es la clave para el crecimiento justo.