4 resultados para Retributive Justice

em Universidad del Rosario, Colombia


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Este trabajo busca identificar los determinantes de la administración pública, que desencadenaron la cooptación corrupta de la contratación de la calle 26. Usando la teoría sobre corrupción de Klitgaard, se propone que la presencia de un poder de monopolio, una alta discrecionalidad y la poco eficacia del control permitieron que la entidad encargada de la contratación del calle 26 fuera sometida a intereses externos. A través de la metodología de gestión del riesgo se reconstruye el contexto de la entidad para identificar las amenazas y debilidades que explican este sometimiento.

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How do we justify the practice of corrective justice for losses suffered during armed conflicts? This article seeks to show the force and relevance of this question, and to argue that, in cases of massively destructive wars, social justice should gain priority over corrective justice. Starting from a liberal Rawlsian conception of the relationship between corrective and social justice, it is argued that, paradoxically, the more destructive a war is, the less normative force corrective rights have and the higher priority policies of social justice, which guarantee basic rights to all citizens, should have.

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The phenomenon of paramilitarism in Colombia has received an ambiguous treatment, balancing between political and criminal issues; an oscillation that has been intimately linked to the evolution of the Colombian internal conflict. This contribution analyzes the recent negotiations held with paramilitary groups by the administration of Alvaro Uribe Vélez (2002-2010). After a brief account of the dependency path that has determined this historical episode, I propose an assessment of the use of judicial categories by the various actors of the negotiations. The main argument is that those categories –war criminal, political criminal, drug smuggler, etc.– do not depend on the intrinsic nature of an armed actor, but are socially constructed by a conflictive process of material and symbolic struggles. The capacity to categorize private violence, as legitimate or illegitimate, political or criminal, appears as one of the basic manifestations of the state’s action, as well as one of the main conflicts presiding at the rocess of state formation.