The project of land restitution in Colombia: an illustration of the civilizing force of hypocrisy?

This article offers a theoretical interpretation of the dispositions on land restitution contained in the famous “Victims’ Bill”, which was debated in the Colombian Congress during the year 2008. The bill included specific mechanisms aimed at guaranteeing the restitution of land to victims of the Colombian armed conflict. At the time, the bill was endorsed by all the main political actors in the country –notably the government and the elites that support it, on the one hand, and victims’ and human rights organizations and other opposition groups, on the other–. The fact that the restitution of land to victims of the Colombian armed conflict was being considered as a serious possibility by all political actors in the country seemed to indicate the existence of a consensus among actors whose positions are ordinarily opposed, on an issue that has traditionally led to high levels of polarization. This consensus is quite puzzling, because it seems to be at odds with the interests and/or the conceptions of justice advocated by these political actors, and because the restitution of land faces enormous difficulties both from a factual and a normative point of view, which indicates that it may not necessarily be the best alternative for dealing with the issue of land distribution in Colombia. This article offers an interpretation of said consensus, arguing that it is only an apparent consensus in which the actors are actually misrepresenting their interests and conceptions of justice, while at the same time adopting divergent strategies of implementation aimed at fulfilling their true interests. Nevertheless, the article concludes that the common adherence by all actors to the principle of restorative justice might bring about its actual realization, and thus produce an outcome that, in spite (and perhaps even because) of being unintended, might substantively contribute to solving the problem of unequal land distribution in Colombia. Even though the article focuses in some detail on the specificities of the 2008 Bill, it attempts to make a general argument about the state of the discussion on how to deal with the issue of land distribution in the country. Consequently, it may still be relevant today, especially considering that a new Bill on land restitution is currently being discussed in Congress, which includes the same restitution goals as the Victims’ Bill and many of its procedural and substantive details, and which therefore seems to reflect a similar consensus to the one analyzed in the article.

Módulo Activo Recreo Activo -MARA: una estrategia para incrementar la actividad física en niños y niñas de 5º grado en Bogotá.

Objetivo: Evaluar la efectividad de MARA (Modulo Activo Recreo Activo), sobre el tiempo de actividad física moderada vigorosa (AFMV) y de comportamiento sedentario de niños y niñas de 5º grado en 2 instituciones educativas oficiales de la ciudad de Bogotá. Materiales y métodos: Los participantes fueron 128 niños entre 10 y 12 años de edad, de 5to grado que asisten a dos colegios públicos en la localidad de San Cristóbal en Bogotá. La actividad física de los niños fue medida con acelerómetro GT3X+, durante 7 días entre julio y octubre de 2013. Uno de los colegios fue seleccionado aleatoriamente para ser intervenido por Muévete Escolar y su Módulo Activo Recreo Activo (MARA), (CIM) y otro colegio fue el grupo control (CC). El tiempo gastado en actividad física durante el día y en el momento de recreo fue medido antes y en la semana 10 después de la intervención: sedentario ( SED), actividad física leve ( AFL), actividad física moderada(AFM), actividad física vigorosa(AFV) y actividad física moderada a vigorosa (AFMV). Resultados: Posterior al análisis estadístico a través de modelos mixtos multinivel para ajustar por el efecto de conglomerado, se observó diferencia significativa entre CIM y CC (p < 0.0049) representado por incremento en los minutos de AFMV en CIM. Después de la intervención, los CMI disminuyeron los minutos de comportamiento sedentario (p= 0.0029), comparativamente con los CC. Conclusiones: El presente estudio contribuye a investigar sobre los efectos a corto plazo de modificar el momento del recreo, mediante la implementación de actividades guiadas, supervisadas y con el uso de materiales y equipos de juego. Los resultados del estudio sugieren que los efectos de la intervención con MARA fueron significativos especialmente en promover la práctica de AF diaria logrando incrementar los minutos de AFMV diaria, y así mismo disminuyendo comportamiento sedentario en el día. .

Publicness of goods and violent conflict : evidence from Colombia

How the degree of publicness of goods affect violent conflict? Based on the theoretical model in Esteban and Ray (2001) we find that the effect of the degree of publicness depends on the group size. When the group is small (large), the degree of publicness increases (decreases) the likelihood of conflict. This opens an empirical question that we tackle using microdata from the Colombian conflict at the municipality level. We use three goods with different publicness degree to identify the sign of the effect of publicness on conflict. These goods are coca crops (private good), road density (public good subject to congestion) and average education quality (a purer public good). After dealing with endogeneity issues using an IV approach, we find that the degree of publicness reduces the likelihood of both paramilitary and guerrilla attacks. Moreover, coca production exacerbates conflict and the provision of both public goods mitigates conflict. These results are robust to size, geographical, and welfare controls. Policies that improve public goods provision will help to fight the onset of conflict.