4 resultados para Principes de justice fondamentale

em Universidad del Rosario, Colombia


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How do we justify the practice of corrective justice for losses suffered during armed conflicts? This article seeks to show the force and relevance of this question, and to argue that, in cases of massively destructive wars, social justice should gain priority over corrective justice. Starting from a liberal Rawlsian conception of the relationship between corrective and social justice, it is argued that, paradoxically, the more destructive a war is, the less normative force corrective rights have and the higher priority policies of social justice, which guarantee basic rights to all citizens, should have.

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Face à la complexité de la comparaison entre les droits de l’Union européenne et de la Communauté andine caractérisés par une internationalisation pluraliste croissante, l’idée de coordination du pluriel appelle l’émergence de «macro-principes» pour penser l’universalité juridique, tant dans sa diversité que dans son unité, dans le cadre d’un système juridique supranational. Sur ce point, un constat liminaire s’impose: on ne peut aujourd’hui définir les frontières d’un droit communautaire internationalisé car elles sont floues et ouvertes. Il convient dès lors de prendre comme point de départ une étude du noyau de cette internationalisation qui passe par une comparaison de principes à vocation universelle («macro principes»). En ce sens, la proportionnalité et la subsidiarité peuvent faire l’objet d’une analyse à travers une étude comparée de la jurisprudence de la CJUE et du TJCA. Le premier principe peut ainsi être vu comme un moyen de coordination de droits communautaire tandis que le second se révèle être un outil de coordination de compétences communautaires. 

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The phenomenon of paramilitarism in Colombia has received an ambiguous treatment, balancing between political and criminal issues; an oscillation that has been intimately linked to the evolution of the Colombian internal conflict. This contribution analyzes the recent negotiations held with paramilitary groups by the administration of Alvaro Uribe Vélez (2002-2010). After a brief account of the dependency path that has determined this historical episode, I propose an assessment of the use of judicial categories by the various actors of the negotiations. The main argument is that those categories –war criminal, political criminal, drug smuggler, etc.– do not depend on the intrinsic nature of an armed actor, but are socially constructed by a conflictive process of material and symbolic struggles. The capacity to categorize private violence, as legitimate or illegitimate, political or criminal, appears as one of the basic manifestations of the state’s action, as well as one of the main conflicts presiding at the rocess of state formation.