10 resultados para Point of view

em Universidad del Rosario, Colombia


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In this paper we search the concept of nonviolent resistance inquiring a rural experience from Rio Negro´s steppe. The initiative highlights the need to recognize  the context of the resistance exercise and the consideration of three aspects: the evaluation and interpretation of space, the dispute to public policy and the  restructuring of the family order. These three elements, which overlap material  and symbolic aspects, are discussed from an organization of trade domestic craft production. The notion of “development” is discovered on the basis of the  frameworks of values from which the reproduction of subordination is associated  with this idea, and even the challenge of change is the basis of the proposal which reviews that development idea, and illuminates from this complexity the notion  of “nonviolent resistance”.

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The objective of this article is to show that the Colombian Constitution of 1991 has certain traits that clearly differentiate it from Western constitutional tradition. Some of these traits would later be included in constitutional processes and constitutions in Venezuela (1999), Ecuador (1998 and 2008) and Bolivia (2009), in a process collectively known as Latin American Neo-Constitutionalism. This paper intends to demonstrate how the text of the Colombian Constitution represents a turning point that marks the beginning and establishes the foundations for the development of a home-grown constitutional form in Latin America over the last two decades.

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The Relation University, Company and State UEE defined through the eight committees created in Colombia to position the investigation like central axis of the triad one, impliesthe revision of the paper that in ahead must assume the companies and the universities for the success of the nexus. The scene raises the debt that both estates show as opposed to the definition of the subjects that in particular force them to work jointly within the triad one. The systemic methodology, drawn up under the epilogue of the order of the organizations, stipulates that these can work in unison or in key when they are understood like structure, and recognize what they do to each other. However, slope has left all a leaf of conciliations, understandings and repairs that they will have to be reviewed to the light of spirit UEE.

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 On the assumption that any complex Modern Political Theory involves a decision about human rights, this article considers a possible assessment of the broader aspects of the conception of the State in the work of Nozick. Based on one critical point of view originally formulated by H.L.A. Hart, it defends the claim that the libertarian conception is untenable in moral terms. 

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This article offers a theoretical interpretation of the dispositions on land restitution contained in the famous “Victims’ Bill”, which was debated in the Colombian Congress during the year 2008. The bill included specific mechanisms aimed at guaranteeing the restitution of land to victims of the Colombian armed conflict. At the time, the bill was endorsed by all the main political actors in the country –notably the government and the elites that support it, on the one hand, and victims’ and human rights organizations and other opposition groups, on the other–. The fact that the restitution of land to victims of the Colombian armed conflict was being considered as a serious possibility by all political actors in the country seemed to indicate the existence of a consensus among actors whose positions are ordinarily opposed, on an issue that has traditionally led to high levels of polarization. This consensus is quite puzzling, because it seems to be at odds with the interests and/or the conceptions of justice advocated by these political actors, and because the restitution of land faces enormous difficulties both from a factual and a normative point of view, which indicates that it may not necessarily be the best alternative for dealing with the issue of land distribution in Colombia. This article offers an interpretation of said consensus, arguing that it is only an apparent consensus in which the actors are actually misrepresenting their interests and conceptions of justice, while at the same time adopting divergent strategies of implementation aimed at fulfilling their true interests. Nevertheless, the article concludes that the common adherence by all actors to the principle of restorative justice might bring about its actual realization, and thus produce an outcome that, in spite (and perhaps even because) of being unintended, might substantively contribute to solving the problem of unequal land distribution in Colombia. Even though the article focuses in some detail on the specificities of the 2008 Bill, it attempts to make a general argument about the state of the discussion on how to deal with the issue of land distribution in the country. Consequently, it may still be relevant today, especially considering that a new Bill on land restitution is currently being discussed in Congress, which includes the same restitution goals as the Victims’ Bill and many of its procedural and substantive details, and which therefore seems to reflect a similar consensus to the one analyzed in the article.

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The public service enterprises are victims of crimes and felonies which may reduce their capacity to perform their functions. These enterprises expend much money and effort in order to prevent those criminal behaviors. For this reason they ask from the authorities more efficient measures against crime; however, such enterprises may feel that they are not being given sufficient importance and/or remedies in dealing with such crime. The aim paper of this is not to study the problem from de substantive criminal law point of view. Rather, this paper’s goal is to study the Colombia’s Rules of Criminal Procedure, which regulate the investigation of this kind of crime. The article will look particularly at the competency of the relevant authorities at the investigative stages. Finally, it will make some recommendations regarding a proper route towards the investigation of these criminal behaviors.

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Objective. The objective of this study is to define the profile anthropometric and of basic physical qualities, in 306 children in 7-16 yearold ages. Method. Is carried out anthropometric mensurations of weight (kg) and it height (m), IMC (weight (kg)/it height (m2), percentage of corporal fat, besides the test of Course Navatte, horizontal jump without impulse, Sit and Reach to each one of the fellows. Results. The results were analyzed from the statistical point of view with measures of central tendency, you uses the stocking, the typical standard deviation as I calculate of variability, with a p <0,05 like significant difference. You identifies the variable anthropometric and of physical qualities finding differences in the population as for the percentage of corporal fat, the power aerobic, the flexibility and the explosive force in inferior members. Conclusions. Differences are shown in the opposing values and this can be influenced, for nutritional, socioeconomic factors and for the type of used training.

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The “Grupo de Estudios en Sistemas Tradicionales de Salud” from the School of Medicine of Universidad del Rosario, in agreement with the “Instituto de Etnobiología”, has designed a training course for a new health agent (the community health manager) meant to consider in its curriculum the difficulties, deficiencies and successes of the Primary Health Care Program. In particular, we have attended OMS suggestions in terms of adequate training of local leaders who should look for self-responsibility and selfdetermination in health care coverage. This training proposal is meant to take into account diverse cultures and traditions in order to offer health care models able to consider cultural particularities, epidemiological profiles, and contextual possibilities, with an intercultural point of view. Hence, the training course’s objective is to offer working tools so that community leaders be able to value and promote traditional health knowledge and practices; seek for food security by means of recovery of traditional productive systems or adaptation of appropriate technologies; environment conservation; use of medicinal plants especially in self-care, and stimulation of community and institutional health promotion activities. Preliminary evaluation suggests that this new health agent will be able to set bridges between communities and health care offers available, always looking for healthy ways of life, culturally and environmentally friendly.

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The evolution of the drug trafficking network –so-called– ‘Cartel del Norte del Valle’, is studied using network analysis methods. We found that the average length between any pair of its members was bounded by 4 –an attribute of smallworld networks. In this tightly connected network, informational shocks induce fear and the unleashing of searches of threatening nodes, using available paths. Lethal violence ensues in clusters of increasing sizes that fragment the network, without compromising, however, the survival of the largest component, which proved to be resilient to massive violence. In spite of a success from the point of view of head counting, the US’ socialization program for drug traffickers did not effectively change the cyclical dynamics of the drug dealing business: war survivors took over what was left from the old network initiating a new cycle of business and violence.

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Despite a growing body of literature on how environmental degradation can fuel civil war, the reverse effect, namely that of conflict on environmental outcomes, is relatively understudied. From a theoretical point of view this effect is ambiguous, with some forces pointing to pressures for environmental degradation and some pointing in the opposite direction. Hence, the overall effect of conflict on the environment is an empirical question. We study this relationship in the case of Colombia. We combine a detailed satellite-based longitudinal dataset on forest cover across municipalities over the period 1990-2010 with a comprehensive panel of conflict-related violent actions by paramilitary militias. We first provide evidence that paramilitary activity significantly reduces the share of forest cover in a panel specification that includes municipal and time fixed effects. Then we confirm these findings by taking advantage of a quasi-experiment that provides us with an exogenous source of variation for the expansion of the paramilitary. Using the distance to the region of Urab´a, the epicenter of such expansion, we instrument paramilitary activity in each cross-section for which data on forest cover is available. As a falsification exercise, we show that the instrument ceases to be relevant after the paramilitaries largely demobilized following peace negotiations with the government. Further, after the demobilization the deforestation effect of the paramilitaries disappears. We explore a number of potential mechanisms that may explain the conflict-driven deforestation, and show evidence suggesting that paramilitary violence generates large outflows of people in order to secure areas for growing illegal crops, exploit mineral resources, and engage in extensive agriculture. In turn, these activities are associated with deforestation.