The Colombian Constitution of 1991 as the Starting Point of a new Constitutionalism in Latin America

The objective of this article is to show that the Colombian Constitution of 1991 has certain traits that clearly differentiate it from Western constitutional tradition. Some of these traits would later be included in constitutional processes and constitutions in Venezuela (1999), Ecuador (1998 and 2008) and Bolivia (2009), in a process collectively known as Latin American Neo-Constitutionalism. This paper intends to demonstrate how the text of the Colombian Constitution represents a turning point that marks the beginning and establishes the foundations for the development of a home-grown constitutional form in Latin America over the last two decades.

Point of inflexion between the companies and the universities as opposed to the relation University, Company and State in Colombia

The Relation University, Company and State UEE defined through the eight committees created in Colombia to position the investigation like central axis of the triad one, impliesthe revision of the paper that in ahead must assume the companies and the universities for the success of the nexus. The scene raises the debt that both estates show as opposed to the definition of the subjects that in particular force them to work jointly within the triad one. The systemic methodology, drawn up under the epilogue of the order of the organizations, stipulates that these can work in unison or in key when they are understood like structure, and recognize what they do to each other. However, slope has left all a leaf of conciliations, understandings and repairs that they will have to be reviewed to the light of spirit UEE.

Development, resistance and change. A point of view from Río Negro’s steppe

In this paper we search the concept of nonviolent resistance inquiring a rural experience from Rio Negro´s steppe. The initiative highlights the need to recognize  the context of the resistance exercise and the consideration of three aspects: the evaluation and interpretation of space, the dispute to public policy and the  restructuring of the family order. These three elements, which overlap material  and symbolic aspects, are discussed from an organization of trade domestic craft production. The notion of “development” is discovered on the basis of the  frameworks of values from which the reproduction of subordination is associated  with this idea, and even the challenge of change is the basis of the proposal which reviews that development idea, and illuminates from this complexity the notion  of “nonviolent resistance”.

The project of land restitution in Colombia: an illustration of the civilizing force of hypocrisy?

This article offers a theoretical interpretation of the dispositions on land restitution contained in the famous “Victims’ Bill”, which was debated in the Colombian Congress during the year 2008. The bill included specific mechanisms aimed at guaranteeing the restitution of land to victims of the Colombian armed conflict. At the time, the bill was endorsed by all the main political actors in the country –notably the government and the elites that support it, on the one hand, and victims’ and human rights organizations and other opposition groups, on the other–. The fact that the restitution of land to victims of the Colombian armed conflict was being considered as a serious possibility by all political actors in the country seemed to indicate the existence of a consensus among actors whose positions are ordinarily opposed, on an issue that has traditionally led to high levels of polarization. This consensus is quite puzzling, because it seems to be at odds with the interests and/or the conceptions of justice advocated by these political actors, and because the restitution of land faces enormous difficulties both from a factual and a normative point of view, which indicates that it may not necessarily be the best alternative for dealing with the issue of land distribution in Colombia. This article offers an interpretation of said consensus, arguing that it is only an apparent consensus in which the actors are actually misrepresenting their interests and conceptions of justice, while at the same time adopting divergent strategies of implementation aimed at fulfilling their true interests. Nevertheless, the article concludes that the common adherence by all actors to the principle of restorative justice might bring about its actual realization, and thus produce an outcome that, in spite (and perhaps even because) of being unintended, might substantively contribute to solving the problem of unequal land distribution in Colombia. Even though the article focuses in some detail on the specificities of the 2008 Bill, it attempts to make a general argument about the state of the discussion on how to deal with the issue of land distribution in the country. Consequently, it may still be relevant today, especially considering that a new Bill on land restitution is currently being discussed in Congress, which includes the same restitution goals as the Victims’ Bill and many of its procedural and substantive details, and which therefore seems to reflect a similar consensus to the one analyzed in the article.