Asociacion entre la grasa epicardica con la extension y severidad de la enfermedad coronaria

Objetivo: Establecer si existe asociación independiente entre los valores de grasa epicárdica con la extensión y la severidad de la enfermedad coronaria. Materiales y métodos: Se analizaron 69 pacientes con enfermedad coronaria estudiada con angiografía, a quienes se realizó medición de grasa epicárdica con ecocardiograma transtorácico en modo 2D. Los resultados se correlacionaron con dos Score de severidad para enfermedad coronaria (Gensini – Syntax) y con los factores de riesgo cardiovascular tradicionales. Se realizó un análisis estadístico bivariado y análisis de regresión logística para establecer su asociación. Resultados: No existió correlación entre los valores de grasa epicárdica y la severidad de la enfermedad. Se documentó una leve correlación con los valores de perímetro abdominal. En los pacientes con angina inestable los valores de grasa epicárdica fueron mayores en comparación con los pacientes que se presentaron con infarto agudo de miocardio. Conclusiones: La grasa epicárdica no tiene asociación independiente con la severidad de la enfermedad coronaria ni con los factores de riesgo cardiovascular. Indicando que en la práctica clínica no debe utilizarse como marcador de riesgo cardiometabólico. Palabras Clave: Ecocardiografía, Grasa Epicárdica, Enfermedad Coronaria, Factores de Riesgo Cardiovascular

Reference values for handgrip strength in among healthy young adults

Background: Isometric grip strength, evaluated with a handgrip dynamometer, is a marker of current nutritional status and cardiometabolic risk and future morbidity and mortality. We present reference values for handgrip strength in healthy young Colombian adults (aged 18 to 29 years). Methods: The sample comprised 5.647 (2.330 men and 3.317 women) apparently healthy young university students (mean age, 20.6±2.7 years) attending public and private institutions in the cities of Bogota and Cali (Colombia). Handgrip strength was measured two times with a TKK analogue dynamometer in both hands and the highest value used in the analysis. Sex- and age-specific normative values for handgrip strength were calculated using the LMS method and expressed as tabulated percentiles from 3 to 97 and as smoothed centile curves (P3, P10, P25, P50, P75, P90 and P97). Results: Mean values for right and left handgrip strength were 38.1±8.9 and 35.9±8.6 kg for men, and 25.1±8.7 and 23.3±8.2 kg for women, respectively. Handgrip strength increased with age in both sexes and was significantly higher in men in all age categories. The results were generally more homogeneous amongst men than women. Conclusions: Sex- and age-specific handgrip strength normative values among healthy young Colombian adults are defined. This information may be helpful in future studies of secular trends in handgrip strength and to identify clinically relevant cut points for poor nutritional and elevated cardiometabolic risk in a Latin American population. Evidence of decline in handgrip strength before the end of the third decade is of concern and warrants further investigation

Don't make war, make elections : Franchise extension and violence in XIXth-century Colombia

This paper studies the effect of strengthening democracy, as captured by an increase in voting rights, on the incidence of violent civil conflict in nineteenth-century Colombia. Empirically studying the relationship between democracy and conflict is challenging, not only because of conceptual problems in defining and measuring democracy, but also because political institutions and violence are jointly determined. We take advantage of an experiment of history to examine the impact of one simple, measurable dimension of democracy (the size of the franchise) on con- flict, while at the same time attempting to overcome the identification problem. In 1853, Colombia established universal male suffrage. Using a simple difference-indifferences specification at the municipal level, we find that municipalities where more voters were enfranchised relative to their population experienced fewer violent political battles while the reform was in effect. The results are robust to including a number of additional controls. Moreover, we investigate the potential mechanisms driving the results. In particular, we look at which components of the proportion of new voters in 1853 explain the results, and we examine if results are stronger in places with more political competition and state capacity. We interpret our findings as suggesting that violence in nineteenth-century Colombia was a technology for political elites to compete for the rents from power, and that democracy constituted an alternative way to compete which substituted violence.