Interrater reliability of Alberta Infant Motor Scale in term and preterm born infants between 10 to 16 months age from Talca province - Chile

Purpose: To examine the ‘interrater reliability’ of the Alberta Infant Motor Scale (AIMS) in term and preterm born infants between 10 to 16 months age from Talca province, Maule Region - Chile. Subjects: 115 infants between 10 to 16 months age were incorporated to the study; 95 term born infants were attended in the local Health Centre in Talca City, and 20 preterm infants belonged to the Premature Infants Follow-Up Programme of Talca Regional Hospital. Methods: The motor behaviour of each infant was recorded and later it was assessed by two trained assessors using AIMS. It was obtained the total AIMS’ score and also from prone, supine, seated, and stand subscales. For ‘interrater reliability’ analysis it was used the Intraclass Coefficient of Correlation (ICC), the Standard Error of Measurement (SEM) and 95% limits of agreement. Results: The obtained ICC for the total scores AIMS were major than 0.94 (p<0.0002) for term and preterm born infants. The SEM of total scores was less than 3.1 points, higher than what was found in other similar studies. The 95% limits of agreement were +5.3 to -4.1 points and +7.7 to – 3.9 points in term and preterm born, respectively, revealing ‘interrater agreement’. Conclusion: The AIMS showed adequate ‘interrater reliable’ levels when was applied in Chilean term and preterm born from 10 to 16 month’s age.

Learning how (not) to fire a gun: combatant training and civilian victimization

What is the relationship between the type of training combatants receive upon recruitment into an armed group and their propensity to abuse civilians in civil war? Does military training or political training prevent or exacerbate the victimization of civilians by armed non-state actors? While the literature on civilian victimization has expanded rapidly, few studies have examined the correlation between abuse of civilians and the modes of training that illegal armed actors receive. Using a simple formal model, we develop hypotheses regarding this connection and argue that while military training should not decrease the probability that a combatant engages in civilian abuse, political training should. We test these hypotheses using a new survey consisting of a representative sample of approximately 1,500 demobilized combatants from the Colombian conflict, which we match with department-level data on civilian casualties. The empirical analysis confirms our hypotheses about the connection between training and civilian abuse and the results are robust to adding a full set of controls both at the department and at the individual level