4 resultados para Aerobic and anaerobic capacity

em Universidad del Rosario, Colombia


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Aim: Examine the relationship between the functional capacity and the quality of life related to health in university workers. Methodology: Cross-sectional study in 146 subjects, divided in two groups: Low functional Capacity (< 9 METs) and High functional Capacity (> 9.1 METs). We evaluated quality of life related to health (HRQOL-Health Questionnaire SF-12) and functional capacity (Questionnaire PAR/PAF) as indicators of health status. Results: 47.3% (69 men) and 52.7% (78 women). The average age of the groups was 35.0 ± 9.7 years (range 19,0-60,0 years). For HRQOL, the average found in the population assessed was 45.2 ± 4.42 (range 33,0-58,1) and 43.8 ± 6.87 (range 19,8-43,8) in components Physical Component Summary (PCS-12) and Mental Component Summary (MCS-12), respectively p = NS. Significant differences were found when comparing functional ability and sex, p<0,001 in both groups. Similarly, sex and mental component MCS-12 (group of Lower Functional) p = 0,049 as well as women and the physical component PCS-12, p = 0,05 between groups. Finally, a better score in HRQL observed in the group of High Capacity and functional components in both sex OR 0.59 (0.25-1.38). Conclusions: The results of this study demonstrate the relationship between High functional Capacity and a better HRQOL in this population.

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In Metropolitan Area of Mexico City, most of urban displacements happen through semi formal public transportation: small and medium capacity vehicles operated by small private enterprises, through a concession scheme. This kind of public transportation has been playing a major role in the Mexican capital. On one hand, it has been one of the conditions for urbanization to be possible. On the other hand, despite its uncountable deficiencies, public transportation has allowed for a long time the whole population to be able to move within this huge metropolis. However, that important function with regards to integration has now reached its limits in the most recent suburbs of the city, where a new mode of urbanization is taking place, based on massive production of very big social housing gated settlements. Public transportation tends to constitute here a factor of exclusion and households meet with important difficulties for their daily mobility. 

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El objetivo de la rehabilitación cardiaca es lograr que los pacientes con enfermedades cardiacas, reanuden su vida activa y productiva; logrando un óptimo estado físico, psicosocial y vocacional. Los programas de ejercicio, son parte básica de la rehabilitación cardiaca. Existen muchos tipos de programas de actividad física, que varían entre programas de ejercicio en casa no supervisados, hasta programas intrahospitalarios altamente supervisados.

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This paper studies the effect of strengthening democracy, as captured by an increase in voting rights, on the incidence of violent civil conflict in nineteenth-century Colombia. Empirically studying the relationship between democracy and conflict is challenging, not only because of conceptual problems in defining and measuring democracy, but also because political institutions and violence are jointly determined. We take advantage of an experiment of history to examine the impact of one simple, measurable dimension of democracy (the size of the franchise) on con- flict, while at the same time attempting to overcome the identification problem. In 1853, Colombia established universal male suffrage. Using a simple difference-indifferences specification at the municipal level, we find that municipalities where more voters were enfranchised relative to their population experienced fewer violent political battles while the reform was in effect. The results are robust to including a number of additional controls. Moreover, we investigate the potential mechanisms driving the results. In particular, we look at which components of the proportion of new voters in 1853 explain the results, and we examine if results are stronger in places with more political competition and state capacity. We interpret our findings as suggesting that violence in nineteenth-century Colombia was a technology for political elites to compete for the rents from power, and that democracy constituted an alternative way to compete which substituted violence.