7 resultados para economic security

em Universitätsbibliothek Kassel, Universität Kassel, Germany


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In recent decades there has been a transformation of two central concepts of modernity – labour and the household. Ela Bhatt – the founder of the Self-Employed Women’s Association of India (SEWA), has made an important contribution to this transformation. Through the emergence of unions such as SEWA, the notion of who represents labour is being broadened; the marginalised are finding an institutional voice. Increasingly, the household is being recognised as a site of both production and reproduction. SEWA is not a traditional trade union that aims, through collective bargaining with an employer, to improve its members’ wages and working conditions as sellers of their labour power. Instead, it aims to empower women economically in the informal economy by bringing them into the mainstream economy as owners of their labour. The union dimension of SEWA builds their collective power through struggle; the cooperative dimension translates their bargaining power into the economic and social development of its members and their community. Besides, Bhatt’s approach to the self-employed was a direct challenge to the ILO’s tripartism when it was established in the early seventies. The first part of the paper provides a short biography of Ela Bhatt, describes the origins of SEWA, analyses a ‘classification struggle’ over how and who is to define what a worker is. In the second part the author considers SEWAs innovative organizing strategy and is rethinking modernity in the labour context. In the conclusion the paper discusses the lessons that can be learnt from Ela Bhatt.

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This research is a study about knowledge interface that aims to analyse knowledge discontinuities, the dynamic and emergent characters of struggles and interactions within gender system and ethnicity differences. The cacao boom phenomenon in Central Sulawesi is the main context for a changing of social relations of production, especially when the mode of production has shifted or is still underway from subsistence to petty commodity production. This agrarian change is not only about a change of relationship and practice, but, as my previous research has shown, also about the shift of knowledge domination, because knowledge construes social practice in a dialectical process. Agroecological knowledge is accumulated through interaction, practice and experience. At the same time the knowledge gained from new practices and experiences changes mode of interaction, so such processes provide the arena where an interface of knowledge is manifested. In the process of agro-ecological knowledge interface, gender and ethnic group interactions materialise in the decision-making of production and resource allocation at the household and community level. At this point, power/knowledge is interplayed to gain authority in decision-making. When authority dominates, power encounters resistance, whereas the dominant power and its resistance are aimed to ensure socio-economic security. Eventually, the process of struggle can be identified through the pattern of resource utilisation as a realisation of production decision-making. Such processes are varied from one community to another, and therefore, it shows uniqueness and commonalities, especially when it is placed in a context of shifting mode of production. The focus is placed on actors: men and women in their institutional and cultural setting, including the role of development agents. The inquiry is informed by 4 major questions: 1) How do women and men acquire, disseminate, and utilise their agro ecological knowledge, specifically in rice farming as a subsistence commodity, as well as in cacao farming as a petty commodity? How and why do such mechanisms construct different knowledge domains between two genders? How does the knowledge mechanism apply in different ethnics? What are the implications for gender and ethnicity based relation of production? ; 2) Using the concept of valued knowledge in a shifting mode of production context: is there any knowledge that dominates others? How does the process of domination occur and why? Is there any form of struggle, strategies, negotiation, and compromise over this domination? How do these processes take place at a household as well as community level? How does it relate to production decision-making? ; 3) Putting the previous questions in two communities with a different point of arrival on a path of agricultural commercialisation, how do the processes of struggle vary? What are the bases of the commonalities and peculiarities in both communities?; 4) How the decisions of production affect rice field - cacao plantation - forest utilisation in the two villages? How does that triangle of resource use reflect the constellation of local knowledge in those two communities? What is the implication of this knowledge constellation for the cacao-rice-forest agroecosystem in the forest margin area? Employing a qualitative approach as the main method of inquiry, indepth and dialogic interviews, participant observer role, and document review are used to gather information. A small survey and children’s writing competition are supplementary to this data collection method. The later two methods are aimed to give wider information on household decision making and perception toward the forest. It was found that local knowledge, particularly knowledge pertaining to rice-forest-cacao agroecology is divided according to gender and ethnicity. This constellation places a process of decision-making as ‘the arena of interface’ between feminine and masculine knowledge, as well as between dominant and less dominant ethnic groups. Transition from subsistence to a commercial mode of production is a context that frames a process where knowledge about cacao commodity is valued higher than rice. Market mechanism, as an external power, defines valued knowledge. Valued knowledge defines the dominant knowledge holder, and decision. Therefore, cacao cultivation becomes a dominant practice. Its existence sacrifices the presence of rice field and the forest. Knowledge about rice production and forest ecosystem exist, but is less valued. So it is unable to challenge the domination of cacao. Various forms of struggles - within gender an ethnicity context - to resist cacao domination are an expression of unequal knowledge possession. Knowledge inequality implies to unequal access to withdraw benefit from market valued crop. When unequal knowledge fails to construct a negotiated field or struggles fail to reveal ‘marginal’ decision, e.g. intensification instead of cacao expansion to the forest, interface only produces divergence. Gender and ethnicity divided knowledge is unabridged, since negotiation is unable to produce new knowledge that accommodates both interests. Rice is loaded by ecological interest to conserve the forest, while cacao is driven by economic interest to increase welfare status. The implication of this unmediated dominant knowledge of cacao production is the construction of access; access to the forest, mainly to withdraw its economic benefit by eliminating its ecological benefit. Then, access to cacao as the social relationship of production to acquire cacao knowledge; lastly, access to defend sustainable benefit from cacao by expansion. ‘Socio-economic Security’ is defined by Access. The convergence of rice and cacao knowledge, however, should be made possible across gender and ethnicity, not only for the sake of forest conservation as the insurance of ecological security, but also for community’s socio-economic security. The convergence might be found in a range of alternative ways to conduct cacao sustainable production, from agroforestry system to intensification.

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Empowerment is one possible approach to increase political, social and economic participation of a target group and thus decrease food insecurity among vulnerable people. The objective of this research was to evaluate a socio-economic empowerment project implemented for 8 years in rural northern Bangladesh by using secondary data from 2000 and primary data from 2009. Three hundred women were primarily selected out of all existing and active 121 women groups formed during 8 years project implementation. Standardized interviews were conducted to collect quantitative data. In addition an overall qualitative analysis included focus group discussions, the review of project summaries and discussions with implementing staff. Data was collected on socio-economic status, rice storages and food consumption. In addition knowledge was gained on current activities of the women groups. The empowerment concept implemented in this setting was successful to increase the participants’ political, social and economic engagement and visibility. Apart from that the utilization of skills for income generation led to an improvement of the socio-economic status and food insecurity became less common. Recommendations for future projects include the increase of female members among the NGO staff as well as the further follow-up and strengthening of political acceptance and visibility of the empowered participants to sustain the outcome of the project.

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The study aims to analyse factors affecting contributions of goat farming to household economic success and food security in three goat production systems of Ethiopia. A study was conducted in three districts of Ethiopia representing arid agro-pastoral (AAP), semi-arid agro-pastoral (SAAP) and highland mixed crop-livestock (HMCL) systems involving 180 goat keeping households. Gross margin (GM) and net benefit (NB1 and NB2) were used as indicators of economic success of goat keeping. NB1 includes in-kind benefits of goats (consumption and manure), while NB2 additionally constitutes intangible benefits (insurance and finance). Household dietary diversity score (HDDS) was used as a proxy indicator of food security. GM was significantly affected by an off-take rate and flock size interaction (P<0.001). The increment of GM due to increased off-take rate was more prominent for farmers with bigger flocks. Interaction between flock size and production system significantly (P<0.001) affected both NB1 and NB2. The increment of NB1 and NB2 by keeping larger flocks was higher in AAP system, due to higher in-kind and intangible benefits of goats in this system. Effect of goat flock size as a predictor of household dietary diversity was not significant (P>0.05). Nevertheless, a significant positive correlation (P<0.05) was observed between GM from goats and HDDS in AAP system, indicating the indirect role of goat production for food security. The study indicated that extent of utilising tangible and intangible benefits of goats varied among production systems and these differences should be given adequate attention in designing genetic improvement programs.

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Das Mahafaly Plateau im südwestlichen Madagaskar ist gekennzeichnet durch raue klimatische Bedingungen, vor allem regelmäßige Dürren und Trockenperioden, geringe Infrastruktur, steigende Unsicherheit, hohe Analphabetenrate und regelmäßige Zerstörung der Ernte durch Heuschreckenplagen. Da 97% der Bevölkerung von der Landwirtschaft abhängen, ist eine Steigerung der Produktivität von Anbausystemen die Grundlage für eine Verbesserung der Lebensbedingungen und Ernährungssicherheit in der Mahafaly Region. Da wenig über die Produktivität von traditionellen extensiven und neu eingeführten Anbaumethoden in diesem Gebiet bekannt ist, waren die Zielsetzungen der vorliegenden Arbeit, die limitierenden Faktoren und vielversprechende alternative Anbaumethoden zu identifizieren und diese unter Feldbedingungen zu testen. Wir untersuchten die Auswirkungen von lokalem Viehmist und Holzkohle auf die Erträge von Maniok, der Hauptanbaufrucht der Region, sowie die Beiträge von weiteren Faktoren, die im Untersuchungsgebiet ertragslimitierend sind. Darüber hinaus wurde in der Küstenregion das Potenzial für bewässerten Gemüseanbau mit Mist und Holzkohle untersucht, um zu einer Diversifizierung von Einkommen und Ernährung beizutragen. Ein weiterer Schwerpunkt dieser Arbeit war die Schätzung von Taubildung und deren Beitrag in der Jahreswasserbilanz durch Testen eines neu entworfenen Taumessgerätes. Maniok wurde über drei Jahre und in drei Versuchsfeldern in zwei Dörfern auf dem Plateau angebaut, mit applizierten Zeburindermistraten von 5 und 10 t ha-1, Holzkohleraten von 0,5 und 2 t ha-1 und Maniokpflanzdichten von 4500 Pflanzen ha-1. Maniokknollenerträge auf Kontrollflächen erreichten 1 bis 1,8 t Trockenmasse (TM) ha-1. Mist führte zu einer Knollenertragssteigerung um 30 - 40% nach drei Jahren in einem kontinuierlich bewirtschafteten Feld mit geringer Bodenfruchtbarkeit, hatte aber keinen Effekt auf den anderen Versuchsfeldern. Holzkohle hatte keinen Einfluss auf Erträge über den gesamten Testzeitraum, während die Infektion mit Cassava-Mosaikvirus zu Ertragseinbußen um bis zu 30% führte. Pflanzenbestände wurden felder-und jahresübergreifend um 4-54% des vollen Bestandes reduziert, was vermutlich auf das Auftreten von Trockenperioden und geringe Vitalität von Pflanzmaterial zurückzuführen ist. Karotten (Daucus carota L. var. Nantaise) und Zwiebeln (Allium cepa L. var. Red Créole) wurden über zwei Trockenzeiten mit lokal erhältlichem Saatgut angebaut. Wir testeten die Auswirkungen von lokalem Rindermist mit einer Rate von 40 t ha-1, Holzkohle mit einer Rate von 10 t ha-1, sowie Beschattung auf die Gemüseernteerträge. Lokale Bewässerungswasser hatte einen Salzgehalt von 7,65 mS cm-1. Karotten- und Zwiebelerträge über Behandlungen und Jahre erreichten 0,24 bis 2,56 t TM ha-1 beziehungsweise 0,30 bis 4,07 DM t ha-1. Mist und Holzkohle hatten keinen Einfluss auf die Erträge beider Kulturen. Beschattung verringerte Karottenerträge um 33% im ersten Jahr, während sich die Erträge im zweiten Jahr um 65% erhöhten. Zwiebelerträge wurden unter Beschattung um 148% und 208% im ersten und zweiten Jahr erhöht. Salines Bewässerungswasser sowie Qualität des lokal verfügbaren Saatgutes reduzierten die Keimungsraten deutlich. Taubildung im Küstendorf Efoetsy betrug 58,4 mm und repräsentierte damit 19% der Niederschlagsmenge innerhalb des gesamten Beobachtungszeitraum von 18 Monaten. Dies weist darauf hin, dass Tau in der Tat einen wichtigen Beitrag zur jährlichen Wasserbilanz darstellt. Tageshöchstwerte erreichten 0,48 mm. Die getestete Tauwaage-Vorrichtung war in der Lage, die nächtliche Taubildung auf der metallischen Kondensationsplatte zuverlässig zu bestimmen. Im abschließenden Kapitel werden die limitierenden Faktoren für eine nachhaltige Intensivierung der Landwirtschaft in der Untersuchungsregion diskutiert.

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This paper approaches the topic of urban/community gardening not through the lens of urban theory per se but in light of basic farming realities such as growing season and land availability. Food security comprises availability and affordability. In the context of North American and Western European societies, only food affordability normally merits public discourse. In practice, governments have little or no means to change food affordability, in view of prevailing capitalistic free-market structures. In the current wave of popular exuberance, civic politicians and others have promoted the belief that community gardening could be the pathway to produce affordable food. The formidable obstacles to this pursuit include the availability of (low-cost) land within the highly-densified city limit, insufficient ambient temperature and water supply during the growing season and the contemporary structure of society. Overcoming these fundamental hurdles carries significant negative environmental and economic consequences.

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Increasing food production to feed its rapidly growing population is a major policy goal of Pakistan. The production of traditional staples such as rice (Oryza sativa L.) and bread wheat (Triticum aestivum L.) has been intensified in many regions, but not in remote, drought-ridden areas. In these arid, marginal environments dates and their by-products are an option to complement staples given their high nutritive value and storability. To fill knowledge gaps about the role of date palm in the household (HH) income of rural communities and the structure of date value chains, this project studied date palm production across six districts in four provinces of Pakistan. During 2012–2013 a total of 170 HHs were interviewed with a structured questionnaire using a snowball sampling approach. The results showed that most of the HH were headed by males (99 %) who were married (74 %) and often illiterate (40 %). Agriculture was the main occupation of date palm growers (56 %), while a few coupled agricultural activities with business (17 %) or extra-farm employment opportunities (government 9 %; private sector 8 %). Date sales contributed >50 % to the total income of 39 % of HH and 90–100 % to 24 % of HH. Overall farmers grew a total of 39 date palm cultivars and cultivated an average of 409 ± 559 mature date palms. The majority of the respondents sold dates to commission agents (35 %), contractors (22 %) and wholesalers (21 %), while 28 % of HH cultivated date palms only for self-consumption. Date palm growers had only limited knowledge about high quality date cultivars, optimized farm management and about effective post-harvest conservation. Changes in extension and marketing efforts are needed to allow farmers to better exploit value chains in date thereby reaping higher benefits from improved market access to secure their often marginal income.