Uncover the Concealed Link: Gender & Ethnicity-Divided Local Knowledge on the Agro-Ecosystem of a Forest Margin

This research is a study about knowledge interface that aims to analyse knowledge discontinuities, the dynamic and emergent characters of struggles and interactions within gender system and ethnicity differences. The cacao boom phenomenon in Central Sulawesi is the main context for a changing of social relations of production, especially when the mode of production has shifted or is still underway from subsistence to petty commodity production. This agrarian change is not only about a change of relationship and practice, but, as my previous research has shown, also about the shift of knowledge domination, because knowledge construes social practice in a dialectical process. Agroecological knowledge is accumulated through interaction, practice and experience. At the same time the knowledge gained from new practices and experiences changes mode of interaction, so such processes provide the arena where an interface of knowledge is manifested. In the process of agro-ecological knowledge interface, gender and ethnic group interactions materialise in the decision-making of production and resource allocation at the household and community level. At this point, power/knowledge is interplayed to gain authority in decision-making. When authority dominates, power encounters resistance, whereas the dominant power and its resistance are aimed to ensure socio-economic security. Eventually, the process of struggle can be identified through the pattern of resource utilisation as a realisation of production decision-making. Such processes are varied from one community to another, and therefore, it shows uniqueness and commonalities, especially when it is placed in a context of shifting mode of production. The focus is placed on actors: men and women in their institutional and cultural setting, including the role of development agents. The inquiry is informed by 4 major questions: 1) How do women and men acquire, disseminate, and utilise their agro ecological knowledge, specifically in rice farming as a subsistence commodity, as well as in cacao farming as a petty commodity? How and why do such mechanisms construct different knowledge domains between two genders? How does the knowledge mechanism apply in different ethnics? What are the implications for gender and ethnicity based relation of production? ; 2) Using the concept of valued knowledge in a shifting mode of production context: is there any knowledge that dominates others? How does the process of domination occur and why? Is there any form of struggle, strategies, negotiation, and compromise over this domination? How do these processes take place at a household as well as community level? How does it relate to production decision-making? ; 3) Putting the previous questions in two communities with a different point of arrival on a path of agricultural commercialisation, how do the processes of struggle vary? What are the bases of the commonalities and peculiarities in both communities?; 4) How the decisions of production affect rice field - cacao plantation - forest utilisation in the two villages? How does that triangle of resource use reflect the constellation of local knowledge in those two communities? What is the implication of this knowledge constellation for the cacao-rice-forest agroecosystem in the forest margin area? Employing a qualitative approach as the main method of inquiry, indepth and dialogic interviews, participant observer role, and document review are used to gather information. A small survey and children’s writing competition are supplementary to this data collection method. The later two methods are aimed to give wider information on household decision making and perception toward the forest. It was found that local knowledge, particularly knowledge pertaining to rice-forest-cacao agroecology is divided according to gender and ethnicity. This constellation places a process of decision-making as ‘the arena of interface’ between feminine and masculine knowledge, as well as between dominant and less dominant ethnic groups. Transition from subsistence to a commercial mode of production is a context that frames a process where knowledge about cacao commodity is valued higher than rice. Market mechanism, as an external power, defines valued knowledge. Valued knowledge defines the dominant knowledge holder, and decision. Therefore, cacao cultivation becomes a dominant practice. Its existence sacrifices the presence of rice field and the forest. Knowledge about rice production and forest ecosystem exist, but is less valued. So it is unable to challenge the domination of cacao. Various forms of struggles - within gender an ethnicity context - to resist cacao domination are an expression of unequal knowledge possession. Knowledge inequality implies to unequal access to withdraw benefit from market valued crop. When unequal knowledge fails to construct a negotiated field or struggles fail to reveal ‘marginal’ decision, e.g. intensification instead of cacao expansion to the forest, interface only produces divergence. Gender and ethnicity divided knowledge is unabridged, since negotiation is unable to produce new knowledge that accommodates both interests. Rice is loaded by ecological interest to conserve the forest, while cacao is driven by economic interest to increase welfare status. The implication of this unmediated dominant knowledge of cacao production is the construction of access; access to the forest, mainly to withdraw its economic benefit by eliminating its ecological benefit. Then, access to cacao as the social relationship of production to acquire cacao knowledge; lastly, access to defend sustainable benefit from cacao by expansion. ‘Socio-economic Security’ is defined by Access. The convergence of rice and cacao knowledge, however, should be made possible across gender and ethnicity, not only for the sake of forest conservation as the insurance of ecological security, but also for community’s socio-economic security. The convergence might be found in a range of alternative ways to conduct cacao sustainable production, from agroforestry system to intensification.

Shifting cultivation and forest resources in Nagaland, N.-E. India

Die vorliegende Studie befasst sich mit der Ressourcennachhaltigkeit der traditionellen, auf Wanderfeldbau beruhenden Subsistenzwirtschaft in zwei Dörfern (Hongphoy und Minyakshu) in Nagaland im Nordosten Indiens. Hierbei werden die Cerealien Produktion, der Feuerholz Konsum und auch die Folgen der intensivierten Bewirtschaftung (Forstdegradation und Bodenverarmung) im Hinblick auf das Bevölkerungswachstum diskutiert. Während das traditionelle System des Wanderfeldbaus (Jhum) seit Jahrzehnten die Bedürfnisse der ehemals kopfjagenden Stämme Nagalands erfüllte, ergab unsere Studie durch Interviews und Feldaufnahmen in 2004 und 2005, dass die steigende Nachfrage einer wachsenden Bevölkerung nach Cerealien und Feuerholz als wichtigste Ressourcen der Subsistenzwirtschaft zu einer verkürzten Brachezeit und letztlich der Degradation von Naturressourcen geführt hat: Pro Hektar Ernten sind reduziert und der Zuwachs der Holzvorräte auf den Feldern kann durch die verkürzten Bracheperioden nicht mehr die Feuerholz Nachfrage decken. Eine Nahrungsmittelknappheit wurde durch die Gegenüberstellung des Energiebedarfs einer Person und die jährlichen pro-Kopf Erntemengen und unter Berücksichtigung des Zukaufs von Reis reflektiert: In Hongphoy ergab dies ein Defizit auf Dorfebene von 130 Tonnen Reis, in Minyakshu von 480 Tonnen, die nicht durch Ernten gedeckt werden konnten. Diese Nahrungsmittelknappheit erweist sich vor allem vor dem Hintergrund eines Bevölkerungswachstums von 6.7% und marginalen Einkünften als problematisch. Für fünf verschiedene Waldformationen (zwei Brachewälder, zwei Dorfwälder und ein Naturwald) wurden die unterschiedliche Artenzusammensetzung (Diversität) und Bestandesvolumina durch Forstinventuren beschrieben. Der dem Bestandesvolumen der Brachewälder gegenübergestellte pro-Kopf Feuerholz Bedarf ergab ein jährliches Defizit von 1,81m³ in Hongphoy und 0.05m³ in Minyakshu. Der Unterschied dieses Defizits zwischen beiden Dörfern wurde in einer abweichenden Bestandesstruktur (Dominanz der N2 fixierenden Baumart Alnus nepalensis in den Brachewäldern Minyakshus) begründet. Über den erhobenen Feuerholzbedarf wurde ein theoretischer pro-Kopf Flächenbedarf an Brachewald errechnet, der nötig wäre um den gesamten Feuerholz Bedarf innerhalb des Wanderfeldbau Systems zu decken. Das daraus resultierende Defizit wurde mit den Feuerholzvolumina der Dorfwälder und des verbliebenen Naturwalds gegenüber gestellt. Hieraus ergibt sich die Bedeutung der Feuerholzernte und des Wanderfeldbau als Ursache für die fortschreitende Entwaldung und Forstdegradation in Nagaland. Mit Hilfe dieser Informationen und aktuellen Angaben zum Bevölkerungswachstum werden die Ergebnisse anhand einschlägiger Literatur diskutiert und letztendlich die Nachhaltigkeit und Tragfähigkeit des Wanderfeldbau Systems in dieser Region bestimmt. Mögliche Verbesserungsstrategien um der zunehmenden Ressourcendegradation zu begegnen, werden andiskutiert.

Evaluation of water retention capacity and flood control function of the forest catchment

This research quantitatively evaluates the water retention capacity and flood control function of the forest catchments by using hydrological data of the large flood events which happened after the serious droughts. The objective sites are the Oodo Dam and the Sameura Dam catchments in Japan. The kinematic wave model, which considers saturated and unsaturated sub-surface soil zones, is used for the rainfall-runoff analysis. The result shows that possible storage volume of the Oodo Dam catchment is 162.26 MCM in 2005, while that of Samerua is 102.83 MCM in 2005 and 102.64 MCM in 2007. Flood control function of the Oodo Dam catchment is 173 mm in water depth in 2005, while the Sameura Dam catchment 114 mm in 2005 and 126 mm in 2007. This indicates that the Oodo Dam catchment has more than twice as big water capacity as its capacity (78.4 mm), while the Sameura Dam catchment has about one-fifth of the its storage capacity (693 mm).

Transaction costs of farmers’ participation in forest management: Policy implications of payments for environmental services schemes in Vietnam

Recent research on payments for environmental services (PES) has observed that high transaction costs (TCs) are incurred through the implementation of PES schemes and farmer participation. TCs incurred by households are considered to be an obstacle to the participation in and efficiency of PES policies. This study aims to understand transactions related to previous forest plantation programmes and to estimate the actual TCs incurred by farmers who participated in these programmes in a mountainous area of northwestern Vietnam. In addition, this study examines determinants of households’ TCs to test the hypothesis of whether the amount of TCs varies according to household characteristics. Results show that average TCs are not likely to be a constraint for participation since they are about 200,000 VND (USD 10) per household per contract, which is equivalent to one person’s average earnings for about two days of labour. However, TCs amount to more than one-third of the programmes’ benefits, which is relatively high compared to PES programmes in developed countries. This implies that rather than aiming to reduce TCs, an appropriate agenda for policy improvement is to balance the level of TCs with PES programme benefits to enhance the overall attractiveness of afforestation programmes for smallholder farmers. Regression analysis reveals that education, gender and perception towards PES programmes have significant effects on the magnitude of TCs. The analyses also points out the importance of local conditions on the level of TCs, with some unexpected results.