Bacterial ecology of ancient Saharan salt-enrichment ponds at Teguidda-n-Tessoumt

Little is known about the bacterial ecology of evaporative salt-mining sites (salterns) of which Teguidda-n-Tessoumt at the fringe of the West-African Saharan desert in Niger is a spectacular example with its many-centuries-old and very colorful evaporation ponds. During the different enrichment steps of the salt produced as a widely traded feed supplement for cattle, animal manure is added to the crude brine, which is then desiccated and repeatedly crystallized. This study describes the dominant Bacteria and Archaea communites in the brine from the evaporation ponds and the soil from the mine, which were determined by PCR-DGGE of 16S rDNA. Correspondence analysis of the DGGE-community fingerprints revealed a change in community structure of the brine samples during the sequential evaporation steps which was, however, unaffected by the brine's pH and electric conductivity (EC). The Archaea community was dominated by a phylogenetically diverse group of methanogens, while the Bacteria community was dominated by gamma proteobacteria. Microorganisms contained in the purified salt product have the potential to be broadly disseminated and are fed to livestock across the region. In this manner, the salt mines represent an intriguing example of long-term human activity that has contributed to the continual selection, cultivation, and dissemination of cosmopolitan microorganisms.

Uncover the Concealed Link: Gender & Ethnicity-Divided Local Knowledge on the Agro-Ecosystem of a Forest Margin

This research is a study about knowledge interface that aims to analyse knowledge discontinuities, the dynamic and emergent characters of struggles and interactions within gender system and ethnicity differences. The cacao boom phenomenon in Central Sulawesi is the main context for a changing of social relations of production, especially when the mode of production has shifted or is still underway from subsistence to petty commodity production. This agrarian change is not only about a change of relationship and practice, but, as my previous research has shown, also about the shift of knowledge domination, because knowledge construes social practice in a dialectical process. Agroecological knowledge is accumulated through interaction, practice and experience. At the same time the knowledge gained from new practices and experiences changes mode of interaction, so such processes provide the arena where an interface of knowledge is manifested. In the process of agro-ecological knowledge interface, gender and ethnic group interactions materialise in the decision-making of production and resource allocation at the household and community level. At this point, power/knowledge is interplayed to gain authority in decision-making. When authority dominates, power encounters resistance, whereas the dominant power and its resistance are aimed to ensure socio-economic security. Eventually, the process of struggle can be identified through the pattern of resource utilisation as a realisation of production decision-making. Such processes are varied from one community to another, and therefore, it shows uniqueness and commonalities, especially when it is placed in a context of shifting mode of production. The focus is placed on actors: men and women in their institutional and cultural setting, including the role of development agents. The inquiry is informed by 4 major questions: 1) How do women and men acquire, disseminate, and utilise their agro ecological knowledge, specifically in rice farming as a subsistence commodity, as well as in cacao farming as a petty commodity? How and why do such mechanisms construct different knowledge domains between two genders? How does the knowledge mechanism apply in different ethnics? What are the implications for gender and ethnicity based relation of production? ; 2) Using the concept of valued knowledge in a shifting mode of production context: is there any knowledge that dominates others? How does the process of domination occur and why? Is there any form of struggle, strategies, negotiation, and compromise over this domination? How do these processes take place at a household as well as community level? How does it relate to production decision-making? ; 3) Putting the previous questions in two communities with a different point of arrival on a path of agricultural commercialisation, how do the processes of struggle vary? What are the bases of the commonalities and peculiarities in both communities?; 4) How the decisions of production affect rice field - cacao plantation - forest utilisation in the two villages? How does that triangle of resource use reflect the constellation of local knowledge in those two communities? What is the implication of this knowledge constellation for the cacao-rice-forest agroecosystem in the forest margin area? Employing a qualitative approach as the main method of inquiry, indepth and dialogic interviews, participant observer role, and document review are used to gather information. A small survey and children’s writing competition are supplementary to this data collection method. The later two methods are aimed to give wider information on household decision making and perception toward the forest. It was found that local knowledge, particularly knowledge pertaining to rice-forest-cacao agroecology is divided according to gender and ethnicity. This constellation places a process of decision-making as ‘the arena of interface’ between feminine and masculine knowledge, as well as between dominant and less dominant ethnic groups. Transition from subsistence to a commercial mode of production is a context that frames a process where knowledge about cacao commodity is valued higher than rice. Market mechanism, as an external power, defines valued knowledge. Valued knowledge defines the dominant knowledge holder, and decision. Therefore, cacao cultivation becomes a dominant practice. Its existence sacrifices the presence of rice field and the forest. Knowledge about rice production and forest ecosystem exist, but is less valued. So it is unable to challenge the domination of cacao. Various forms of struggles - within gender an ethnicity context - to resist cacao domination are an expression of unequal knowledge possession. Knowledge inequality implies to unequal access to withdraw benefit from market valued crop. When unequal knowledge fails to construct a negotiated field or struggles fail to reveal ‘marginal’ decision, e.g. intensification instead of cacao expansion to the forest, interface only produces divergence. Gender and ethnicity divided knowledge is unabridged, since negotiation is unable to produce new knowledge that accommodates both interests. Rice is loaded by ecological interest to conserve the forest, while cacao is driven by economic interest to increase welfare status. The implication of this unmediated dominant knowledge of cacao production is the construction of access; access to the forest, mainly to withdraw its economic benefit by eliminating its ecological benefit. Then, access to cacao as the social relationship of production to acquire cacao knowledge; lastly, access to defend sustainable benefit from cacao by expansion. ‘Socio-economic Security’ is defined by Access. The convergence of rice and cacao knowledge, however, should be made possible across gender and ethnicity, not only for the sake of forest conservation as the insurance of ecological security, but also for community’s socio-economic security. The convergence might be found in a range of alternative ways to conduct cacao sustainable production, from agroforestry system to intensification.

The Political Ecology of Salmon Aquaculture in Chile

Every German consumes per year, 15% is salmon, which is the third most popular fish in Germany after Alaska-Seelachs and Hering (Keller/Kress 2013: 9). But where does the salmon that ends up on our plates every 6th time we eat fish come from? There's no obligation for producers to declare the origin of their fish products, but if they do so, the latin name of the fish, catching method and catch area should be declared. Salmon, of which about 40% are captured in the wild and the rest brought up in aquacultures, could then be declared as follows: Salmon (salmo salar), aquaculture from Chile. Without any doubt, this makes consumption more transparent, but the standards of production – both, social and ecological ones – and the ecological impacts are still kept in the dark.

Influence of farmers educational level on comprehending, acting-upon and sharing of agro advisories

Although short messaging service (SMS) through mobile phones has quickly gained popularity among most other sectors in India, its potential is not fully realised in the agriculture sector as a cost effective service to reach farmers and elicit desirable action. Despite the cost effectiveness, mobile messaging has remained a challenge in the farming sector in terms of its end use and action as far as extension systems are concerned. While there could be many influencing factors affecting the utility of mobile messages, this study assumed that educational level of farmers could be a major factor. A telephone survey was conducted to ascertain the influence of farmers’ education on the level of utilisation of mobile-based advisories. Farmers with higher education level showed better comprehension of advisories, actedupon the advisories more promptly and shared the information with fellow farmers more often than those with lower education level. There was a significant association between comprehending, sharing and acting upon advisories. This has implications to achieve enhanced extension reach with higher efficiency in terms of cost and time.

Meat yield and quality of Tanzania Shorthorn Zebu cattle finished on molasses/maize grain with agro-processing by-products in 90 days feedlot period

This study was conducted to evaluate the effects of feeding molasses or maize grain with agro-processing by-products on yield and quality of meat from Tanzania shorthorn zebu (TSZ) cattle. Forty five steers aged 2.5 to 3.0 years with 200 +/- 5.4 kg body weight were allocated into five dietary treatments namely hominy feed with molasses (HFMO), rice polishing with molasses (RPMO), hominy feed with maize meal (HFMM), rice polishing with maize meal (RPMM) and maize meal with molasses (MMMO). Ad libitum amount of each dietary treatment and hay were offered to nine steers for 90 days. Cooking loss (CL) and Warner Bratzler shear force (WBSF) values were determined on M. longissimus thoracis et lumborum aged for 3, 6, 9 and 12 days. Steers fed on HFMO diet had higher (P < 0.05) nutrient intake (86.39 MJ/d energy; 867 g/d CP), weight gain (919 g/d) and half carcass weight (75.8 kg) than those fed other diets. Meat of steers from all diets was tender with average WBSF values of 47.9 N cm^(−2). The CL (22.0 +/- 0.61%) and WBSF (53.4 +/- 0.70 N cm^(−2)) were highest in meat aged for 3 days followed by 6, 9 and 12 days. WBSF values for meat aged for 9 and 12 days from steers fed HFMO and RPMM diets were similar and lower than those on other dietary treatments x aging periods. Overall, molasses and hominy feed can be used to replace maize meal in feedlot finishing diets to spare its use in animal feeds.