Migration and Spatial Development

This is an empirical study with theoretical interpretation and elaboration simultaneously on the migration process and the related spatial development in contemporary China. In so doing, there is always a combination of series of studies of the modernization of the migrants themselves with accumulation of forms of capital and changes of lebenswelt (life world) as well as the regions of their origins by the effective use of the gained resources from outgoing migration and remigration. With great efforts made to put the issues together for analysis, the author has taken three approaches to the study based on the political and economic institutional arrangements, the field work data and the elaboration of respective findings. First, as the analytical parts of the institutional changes, which have gone through the whole research, many of the policies from state level to townships involved in the migration, remigration and spatial development have been interpreted with Chinese political and cultural insight. The making of these, as the means of understanding the contexts of macro level and micro level cases is served as key linkages between scholarly imagination and social reality. Indeed most of the discussions made to explain the phenomena such as the sudden upsurge of migration flows, the emergence of three generations, the strong and weak trends of remigration as well as the related spatial development planning, etc are mainly due to the domination, at least the impact of governments decision-making in spite of growing market functioning in often operative manners. Secondly, case studies of the effects of migration and remigration are carried out between the years of 1995 and 2005 in the costal urban regions as designations and the interior rural regions as origins. Conducted mainly by the author, the cases drawn in the research focus on the process of migration with an accumulation of forms of capital away from home and the effective use of the resources flowing back to home areas. As a result, ways of accumulation and utilization of the economic, social and cultural capital are described and interpreted in terms of the development and modernization of both the migrants themselves and the regions where they come out from or move to in the future. Thirdly, in accordance with the findings generated from the cases, the author proposes in the final chapter an important argumentation as conclusion that the duel social-economic structure will inevitably be broken up and reformulated with flows of migrants and forms of capital they possess as types of future spatial development that will be put into practice. With scenarios and all the other conclusions worked out in the end, the research concludes that the pluralistic spatial development in the condition of constant space flows between regions can be a decisive line of thinking in the process of urbanization, industrialization and modernization in the long run in the future. Since this is an exploratory study of the past and present, the author has left some space open for academic debates and put forward suggestions on the inclusion of future research before implementing policies necessary for migration associated spatial practice and development.

Beyond the Prototypical Male Migrant

The primary theoretical accounts of migration have been largely unaffected by the feminisation of migration. But this does not mean that they are gender neutral. Drawing on the concept of gender knowledge developed by German sociologists Irene Dölling and Sünne Andresen, on the feminist critique of knowledge, feminist economics and studies on gender and migration, the paper interrogates two influential models of migration from neoclassical economics for their gendered assumptions: the Roy-Borjas selection model of migration and Jacob Mincer’s model of family migration. An analysis of their gendered assumptions about the individual, the family, the institution of the labour market and immigration policies shows that both theories explicitly and implicitly assume a male migrant as the norm and frame female migrants as passive dependents. However, the paper argues that it is not “men as such” who serve as prototypical migrants, but a specific type of white, heterosexual and middle-class masculinity, which is set as the norm while other migration realities and knowledge about the structuration of migration processes through social relations of gender, race and class are excluded. Finally, it is argued that with knowledge being a powerful site for the production of meaning in social relations, the gender knowledge in mainstream migration theories could lead to discriminatory migration policies and might also affect migrant subjectivities. This underscores the need for a more sustained dialogue between feminist and mainstream migration scholarship to further engender the field.

Cooperation or Confrontation?

With globalization and increased connectedness, migration has become a political issue. Nevertheless, without citizenship participation in the political system in the host society is limited. Based on a neo-institutionalist approach and referring to political opportunity structure theory, this paper analyzes differences in means of political participation by migrants in two cities, one in the U.S. and one in Germany. Specific focus is put on the welfare state as one factor potentially influencing forms of participation of migrants. From interviews with migrants, local governments, and organizations, this paper establishes that political participation in the German city, Essen, is more institutionalized than in the U.S. city, Newark, NJ, where demonstrations and rallies play a more significant role. Looking at these findings, this paper explains the differences with a variation in the political opportunity structure between the two cities. Whereas in the conservative-corporatist welfare state, ideas of collective bar-gaining and the conferral of social rights to migrants leads to government-created bodies for migrant participation, in the U.S. city, these bodies do not exist and, therefore, migrants use different means of political participation. Through the conferral of social rights on migrants as well, in Germany, the cleavage between migrants and majority society has been pacified. In the U.S. city, where this is not the case, demonstrations and rallies are more common.

Together?

This paper explores the relationship between migrant leaders and labour rights activists starting with the acknowledgment that this is often a source of frustration for all subjects involved. The collaboration between organisations of migrants and those of workers is not always smooth and truly collaborative, yet foreign workers have an increasing importance in the negotiation of better labour rights in Europe. The topic is discussed by taking the case of migrant domestic labour in Italy and the experience of Italian and Filipino organisation leaders who campaign for better rights in this sector. The discussion will be developed by bringing together the perspectives of three key actors in the field: trade unions, Christian labour organisations, and Filipino women's groups. Through the analysis of indepth interviews with women representatives of these organisations, impediments in the collaborations among them will be discussed, including difficulties in identifying an egalitarian method for pursuing common goals together, lack of 'trust' in the good-will of labour organisations from the side of migrants, and finally, the limits of what will be called 'bridge-persons', i.e. trade unionists with migrant backgrounds who are expected to facilitate the connection between the two groups.