11 resultados para Socio-political education

em Universitätsbibliothek Kassel, Universität Kassel, Germany


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This study addresses the effectivity of the Anti-Bias approach and training methodology as a pedagogical political strategy to challenge oppression among student groups in the cities of Bombay and Berlin. The Anti-Bias trainings conducted within the framework of this study also become the medium through which the perpetuation of oppressive structures by students within and outside the school is investigated. Empirical data from predominantly qualitative investigations in four secondary schools, two each in Bombay and Berlin, is studied and analysed on the basis of theoretical understandings of prejudice, discrimination and identity. This study builds on insights offered by previous research on prejudices and evaluations of anti-bias and diversity interventions, where the lack of sufficient research and thorough evaluations testing impact has been identified (Levy Paluck, 2006). The theoretical framework suggests that prejudices and discriminatory practices are learnt and performed by individuals over the years by way of pre-existing discourses, and that behaviour and practices can be unlearnt through a multi-step process. It proposes that the discursive practices of students contribute to the constitution of their viable selves and in the constitution of ‘others’. Drawing on this framework, the study demonstrates how student-subjects in Bombay and Berlin perpetuate oppressive discourses by performing their identities and performing identities onto ‘others’. Such performative constitution opens up the agency of the individual, disclosing the shifting and dynamic nature of identities. The Anti-Bias approach is posited as an alternative to oppressive discourses and a vehicle that encourages and assists the agency of individuals. The theoretical framework, which brings together a psychological approach to prejudice, a structural approach to discrimination and a poststructural approach to identity, facilitates the analysis of the perpetuation of dominant discourses by the students, as well as how they negotiate their way through familiar norms and discourses. Group discussions and interviews a year after the respective trainings serve to evaluate the agency of the students and the extent to which the training impacted on their perceptions, attitudes and behavioural practices. The study reveals the recurrence of the themes race, religion, gender and sexuality in the representational practices of the students groups in Berlin and Bombay. It demonstrates how students in this study not only perform, but also negotiate and resist oppressive structures. Of particular importance is the role of the school: When schools offer no spaces for discussion, debate and action on contemporary social issues, learning can neither be put into practice nor take on a positive, transformative form. In such cases, agency and resistance is limited and interventionist actions yield little. This study reports the potential of the Anti-Bias approach and training as a tool of political education and action in education. It demonstrates that a single training can initiate change but sustaining change requires long-term strategies and on-going actions. Taking a poststructural perspective, it makes concrete suggestions to adapt and alter the Anti-Bias approach and the implementation of Anti-Bias trainings.

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Zusammenfassung zur Inaugural-Dissertation: Von „weiblichen Vollmenschen“ und Klassenkämpferinnen – Frauengeschichte und Frauenleitbilder in der proletarischen Frauenzeitschrift „Die Gleichheit“ (1891-1923). Die wissenschaftliche Bedeutung, die der SPD-Frauenzeitschrift „Die Gleichheit“ (1891-1923) als Quelle der Geschichte der Frauenbewegung zukommt, spiegelt sich weder in Darstellungen zur Geschichte der SPD noch in der Geschichtsschreibung der deutschen Frauenbewegung wider. Auch ist die „Gleichheit“, Presseorgan der organisierten proletarischen Frauenbewegung Deutschlands und der Sozialistischen Fraueninternationale, bisher kaum Gegenstand einer umfassenden publizistischen Analyse gewesen. Es galt daher, zumindest das Hauptblatt der „Gleichheit“, die an ihr beteiligten Personen, ihre Strukturen und ihr Selbstverständnis möglichst detailliert und anhand publizistischer Kriterien darzustellen. Wandlungen ihres Erscheinungsbildes, ihrer editorischen und personellen Strukturen oder ihres Seitenumfangs markieren entscheidende Wendepunkte der deutschen Politik während des deutschen Kaiserreichs und der Weimarer Republik. Ihr Niveau lag deutlich über dem einer allgemeinen Frauenzeitschrift, eines Mitteilungs- oder Unterhaltungsblattes. Ihr Ziel war es, sowohl politisches Schulungsblatt für die engagierten Genossinnen als auch Agitationsmittel für die indifferenten Proletarierinnen zu sein. Inwieweit sie mit dieser Zielsetzung erfolgreich war, kann jedoch selbst die große Zahl ihrer Abonnements (der Höchststand lag 1914 bei 124.000 Exemplaren) nicht validieren. Tatsächlich ließ gerade der von ihrer langjährigen Redakteurin Clara Zetkin (1857-1933) angestrebte hohe intellektuelle Anspruch die „Gleichheit“ jedoch nicht zu einem Medium der Massen werden. Im Mai 1917 entschied sich der SPD-Parteivorstand, der dem Burgfrieden abträglichen, konsequent sozialistischen und internationalistischen Haltung Zetkins keine öffentliche Plattform mehr zu geben und entließ sie aus der Redaktion. Die Leitung der „Gleichheit“, die auch bis zu diesem Zeitpunkt durchaus keine „One-Woman-Show“ war, oblag schließlich bis zu ihrem letztmaligen Erscheinen im September 1923 noch einigen weiteren Redakteurinnen und Redakteuren (Marie Juchacz (1879-1956), Heinrich Schulz (1872-1932), Clara Bohm-Schuch (1879-1936), Elli Radtke-Warmuth (?-?) und Mathilde Wurm (1874-1935)). Deren Tätigkeit für die „Gleichheit“ wurde jedoch bisher kaum wissenschaftlich reflektiert. Dies gilt auch für die ausgesprochen internationale Zusammensetzung oder die männlichen Mitglieder des MitarbeiterInnenstabes. Indem sie sich selbst in der Tradition und als Teil eines Netzwerkes deutscher Frauen­öffentlichkeit („Die Frauen-Zeitung“ (1849-1852), „Die Staatsbürgerin“ (1886) und „Die Arbeiterin“ (1890-1891)) sah und indem sie besonders mittels frauen­geschichtlicher und frauenbiographischer Inhalte das Selbstbewusstsein ihrer Leserinnen zu fördern versuchte, betrieb die „Gleichheit“ gezielt Frauengeschichtsschreibung. Zahlreiche Artikel porträtieren Frauen aus Geschichte und Gegenwart und stellen in ihrem elaborierten Stil „Typen“ bzw. „Vorbilder“ dar. Um die Frage beantworten zu können, welche Frauen der Geschichte und welche ihrer Charaktereigenschaften von der „Gleichheit“ als vorbildlich für Sozialdemokratinnen erachtet wurden, wurden die biographischen Artikel zu 173 Frauen nach Analyse ihrer Inhalte und ihres Duktus vier Frauenleitbildern zugeordnet. Die Kategorisierung der einzelnen Frauenleitbilder „weiblicher Vollmensch“, „sozialistische Mutter“, „sozialistische Ehefrau“ und „Klassenkämpferin“ lehnt sich wiederum an den von Zetkin bereits 1898 veröffentlichten Artikel „Nicht Haussklavin, nicht Mannweib, weiblicher Vollmensch” (Die Gleichheit, Jg. 08/ Nr. 02/ 19.11.1898/ S. 1.) an. Sämtliche frauenbiographischen Artikel appellieren an die „Gleichheit“-Leserinnen, die oft selbst gesetzten Grenzen ihrer Handlungs – und Entwicklungsmöglichkeiten zu sprengen. Die sich daraus ableitenden Identifikationsangebote waren somit nicht auf dem Reissbrett ent­worfen, sondern basierten auf geschichtlicher Erfahrung und antizipierendem Bewusstsein. Diese Leitbilder versuchten, Realität und Utopie miteinander zu verbinden und konnten daher kaum frei von Widersprüchen sein. Wie die „Gleichheit“ selbst, so blieben auch ihre Ansätze politischer Frauen­bildung teilweise zwischen revolu­tionärem Umsturz und traditioneller Kontinuität gefangen. Indem sich die „Gleichheit“ historischer Vorbilder bediente, machte sie jedoch konkrete Ansprüche geltend: Sie forderte den weiblichen Anteil an Geschichte, an politischer Macht und am öffentlichen Bewusstsein.

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This book explains why it was possible for the Worker’s Party (PT) in Brazil and the African National Congress (ANC) in South Africa to pursue a developmental state trade policy, in spite of neoliberal constraints. The major theoretical lenses are three-fold. It applies state theory (macrolevel), policy network analysis (meso-level) and theories on political parties with emphasis on factional politics (micro-level). This book highlights the socio-political relevance of comparatively progressive policy frameworks and expands the debate on how to re-gain national policy space for progressive reform policies even under neoliberal constraints.

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Almost all Latin American countries are still marked by extreme forms of social inequality – and to an extent, this seems to be the case regardless of national differences in the economic development model or the strength of democracy and the welfare state. Recent research highlights the fact that the heterogeneous labour markets in the region are a key source of inequality. At the same time, there is a strengthening of ‘exclusive’ social policy, which is located at the fault lines of the labour market and is constantly (re-)producing market-mediated disparities. In the last three decades, this type of social policy has even enjoyed democratic legitimacy. These dynamics challenge many of the assumptions guiding social policy and democratic theory, which often attempt to account for the specificities of the region by highlighting the purported flaws of certain policies. We suggest taking a different perspective: social policy in Latin American should not be grasped as a deficient or flawed type of social policy, but as a very successful relation of political domination. ‘Relational social analysis’ locates social policy in the ‘tension zone’ constituted by the requirements of economic reproduction, demands for democratic legitimacy and the relative autonomy of the state. From this vantage point, we will make the relation of domination in question accessible for empirical research. It seems particularly useful for this purpose to examine the recent shifts in the Latin American labour markets, which have undergone numerous reforms. We will examine which mechanisms, institutions and constellations of actors block or activate the potentials of redistribution inherent in such processes of political reform. This will enable us to explore the socio-political field of forces that has been perpetuating the social inequalities in Latin America for generations.

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Due to increasing population and the recent implementation of policies to intensify the use of land and water resources, the transhumant pastoral systems in the Chinese-Mongolian Altay-Dzungarian region are rapidly changing, leading to modifications of herd size, herd composition and spatial distribution of livestock grazing. This may have major consequences for the supply and quality of rangeland biomass. Despite similar topographic settings, the socio-political framework for Chinese and Mongolian pastoralists differs significantly, leading to differences in rangeland utilization. To substantiate these claims, the long-distance transhumance routes, frequency of pasture changes, daily grazing itineraries and size of pastures were recorded by means of GPS tracking of cattle and goats on 1,535 (China) and 1,396 (Mongolia) observation days. The status quo of the main seasonal pastures was captured by measuring the herbage offer and its nutritive value in 869 sampling spots. In the Altay-Dzungarian region, small ruminant herds covered up to 412 km (Mongolia) and grazed on up to nine pastures per year (China). In Mongolia, the herds’ average duration of stay at an individual pasture was longer than in China, particularly in spring and autumn. Herbage allowance at the onset of a grazing period (kg dry matter per sheep unit and day) ranged from 34/17 to 91/95 (China/Mongolia). Comparing crude protein and phosphorous concentrations of herbage, in China, the highest concentrations were measured for spring and summer pastures, whereas in Mongolia, the highest concentrations were determined for autumn and winter pastures. Based on our data, we conclude that regulation of animal numbers and access to pastures seemingly maintained pasture productivity in China, especially at high altitudes. However, this policy may prohibit flexible adaptation to sudden environmental constraints. In contrast, high stocking densities and grazing of pastures before flowering of herbaceous plants negatively affected rangeland productivity in Mongolia, especially for spring and summer pastures.

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Seit einigen Jahren erfährt Lateinamerika einen epochalen Umbruch. Das neoliberale Modell ist in einer Krise. Die Politik des „Washington Consensus“ und das Diktum einer politisch nicht kontrollierbaren Globalisierung werden zunehmend hinterfagt. Aus der Linkswende haben sich neue alternative Politikkonzepten entwickelt. In dem vorliegenden Working Paper wird auf die Beziehung von sozialen Bewegungen, Ideologien und Regierungen eingegangen. In ihrer Diagnose arbeitet Maristella Svampa die ambivalenten Charakteristiken des aktuellen Wandels in Lateinamerika heraus. Daran schließt eine analytische Annäherung an die verschiedenen ideologischen Traditionen an, die den Widerstandssektor prägen. Abschließend werden bei der Analyse der vier wichtigsten Tendenzen einige der wichtigsten Daten über die Region präsentiert. Zu diesen Tendenzen gehören der Fortschritt der indigenen Kämpfe, die Konsolidierung neuer Formen des Kampfes, die Reaktivierung der national-populären Tradition, sowie die Rückkehr des „Desarrollismo“. Letztere wird sowohl von progressiven als auch eher konservativ-neoliberalen Regierungen unterstützt.

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In der Dissertation wird der Frage nachgegangen, welche globalen bildungspolitischen Maßnahmen erforderlich sind, um auch bislang exkludierten Menschen den Kompetenzerwerb zu ermöglichen, der benötigt wird, eine positive User Experience in benutzergenerierten, digitalen Lernumgebungen auszubilden, damit sie an der modernen Weltgesellschaft selbstbestimmt teilhaben können. Zu diesem Zweck wurden Castells ‘Netzwerkgesellschaft’ und Csikszentmihalys ‘Theorie der optimalen Erfahrung’ als analytische Grundlagen zur Einordnung der sozialen Netzwerk-Aktivitäten herangezogen. Dies ermöglichte es, unter Rückgriff auf aktuelle Lerntheorien, Kompetenzdebatten, ökonomische Analysen des Bildungssystems und User Experience-Forschungen, einige individuelle und gesamtgesellschaftliche Voraussetzungen abzuleiten, um in der Netzwerkgesellschaft konstruktiv überleben zu können. Mit Blick auf unterschiedliche sozio-kulturelle Bedingungen für persönlichen Flow im ‘space of flows’ liessen sich schließlich differenzierte Flow-Kriterien entwickeln, die als Grundlage für die Operationalisierung im Rahmen einer Real-Time Delphi (RTD)-Studie mit einem internationalen Expertinnen-Panel dienen konnten. Ziel war es, bildungspolitische Ansatzpunkte zu finden, den bislang Exkludierten bis zum Jahre 2020 erste Rahmenbedingungen zu bieten, damit sie potentiell teilhaben können an der Gestaltung der zukünftigen Netzwerkgesellschaft. Das Ergebnis der Expertinnen-Befragung wurde unter Rückgriff auf aktuelle Global und Educational Governance-Studien und das Einflusspotenzial der Zivilgesellschaft auf den Digital Divide reflektiert. Vor diesem Hintergrund konnten abschließend vier bildungspolitische Verlaufsszenarien entworfen werden, die es ermöglichen könnten, bis 2020 die Kluft zu den global Exkludierten wenigstens etwas zu schließen.

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Faisalabad city is surrounded by agricultural lands, where farmers are growing vegetables, grain crops, and fodder for auto-consumption and local marketing. To study the socioeconomic impact and resource use in these urban and peri-urban agricultural production (UPA) systems, a baseline survey was conducted during 2009–2010. A total of 140 households were selected using a stratified sampling method and interviewed with a structured questionnaire. The results revealed that 96 % of the households rely on agriculture as their main occupation. Thirty percent of the households were owners of the land and the rest cultivated either rented or sharecropped land. Most of the families (70 %) were headed by a member with primary education, and only 10 % of the household head had a secondary school certificate. Irrigationwater was obtained from waste water (37 %), canals (27 %), and mixed alternative sources (36 %). A total of 35 species were cultivated in the UPA systems of which were 65% vegetables, 15% grain and fodder crops, and 5% medicinal plants. Fifty-nine percent of the households cultivated wheat, mostly for auto-consumption. The 51 % of the respondents grew cauliflower (Brassica oleracea L.) and gourds (Cucurbitaceae) in the winter and summer seasons, respectively. Group marketing was uncommon and most of the farmers sold their produce at the farm gate (45 %) and on local markets (43 %). Seeds and fertilizers were available from commission agents and dealers on a credit basis with the obligation to pay by harvested produce. A major problem reported by the UPA farmers of Faisalabad was the scarcity of high quality irrigation water, especially during the hot dry summer months, in addition to lacking adequate quantities of mineral fertilizers and other inputs during sowing time. Half of the respondents estimated their daily income to be less than 1.25 US$ and spent almost half of it on food. Monthly average household income and expenses were 334 and 237 US$, respectively.

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Empowerment is one possible approach to increase political, social and economic participation of a target group and thus decrease food insecurity among vulnerable people. The objective of this research was to evaluate a socio-economic empowerment project implemented for 8 years in rural northern Bangladesh by using secondary data from 2000 and primary data from 2009. Three hundred women were primarily selected out of all existing and active 121 women groups formed during 8 years project implementation. Standardized interviews were conducted to collect quantitative data. In addition an overall qualitative analysis included focus group discussions, the review of project summaries and discussions with implementing staff. Data was collected on socio-economic status, rice storages and food consumption. In addition knowledge was gained on current activities of the women groups. The empowerment concept implemented in this setting was successful to increase the participants’ political, social and economic engagement and visibility. Apart from that the utilization of skills for income generation led to an improvement of the socio-economic status and food insecurity became less common. Recommendations for future projects include the increase of female members among the NGO staff as well as the further follow-up and strengthening of political acceptance and visibility of the empowered participants to sustain the outcome of the project.

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At many locations in Myanmar, ongoing changes in land use have negative environmental impacts and threaten natural ecosystems at local, regional and national scales. In particular, the watershed area of Inle Lake in eastern Myanmar is strongly affected by the environmental effects of deforestation and soil erosion caused by agricultural intensification and expansion of agricultural land, which are exacerbated by the increasing population pressure and the growing number of tourists. This thesis, therefore, focuses on land use changes in traditional farming systems and their effects on socio-economic and biophysical factors to improve our understanding of sustainable natural resource management of this wetland ecosystem. The main objectives of this research were to: (1) assess the noticeable land transformations in space and time, (2) identify the typical farming systems as well as the divergent livelihood strategies, and finally, (3) estimate soil erosion risk in the different agro-ecological zones surrounding the Inle Lake watershed area. GIS and remote sensing techniques allowed to identify the dynamic land use and land cover changes (LUCC) during the past 40 years based on historical Corona images (1968) and Landsat images (1989, 2000 and 2009). In this study, 12 land cover classes were identified and a supervised classification was used for the Landsat datasets, whereas a visual interpretation approach was conducted for the Corona images. Within the past 40 years, the main landscape transformation processes were deforestation (- 49%), urbanization (+ 203%), agricultural expansion (+ 34%) with a notably increase of floating gardens (+ 390%), land abandonment (+ 167%), and marshlands losses in wetland area (- 83%) and water bodies (- 16%). The main driving forces of LUCC appeared to be high population growth, urbanization and settlements, a lack of sustainable land use and environmental management policies, wide-spread rural poverty, an open market economy and changes in market prices and access. To identify the diverse livelihood strategies in the Inle Lake watershed area and the diversity of income generating activities, household surveys were conducted (total: 301 households) using a stratified random sampling design in three different agro-ecological zones: floating gardens (FG), lowland cultivation (LL) and upland cultivation (UP). A cluster and discriminant analysis revealed that livelihood strategies and socio-economic situations of local communities differed significantly in the different zones. For all three zones, different livelihood strategies were identified which differed mainly in the amount of on-farm and off-farm income, and the level of income diversification. The gross margin for each household from agricultural production in the floating garden, lowland and upland cultivation was US$ 2108, 892 and 619 ha-1 respectively. Among the typical farming systems in these zones, tomato (Lycopersicon esculentum L.) plantation in the floating gardens yielded the highest net benefits, but caused negative environmental impacts given the overuse of inorganic fertilizers and pesticides. The Revised Universal Soil Loss Equation (RUSLE) and spatial analysis within GIS were applied to estimate soil erosion risk in the different agricultural zones and for the main cropping systems of the study region. The results revealed that the average soil losses in year 1989, 2000 and 2009 amounted to 20, 10 and 26 t ha-1, respectively and barren land along the steep slopes had the highest soil erosion risk with 85% of the total soil losses in the study area. Yearly fluctuations were mainly caused by changes in the amount of annual precipitation and the dynamics of LUCC such as deforestation and agriculture extension with inappropriate land use and unsustainable cropping systems. Among the typical cropping systems, upland rainfed rice (Oryza sativa L.) cultivation had the highest rate of soil erosion (20 t ha-1yr-1) followed by sebesten (Cordia dichotoma) and turmeric (Curcuma longa) plantation in the UP zone. This study indicated that the hotspot region of soil erosion risk were upland mountain areas, especially in the western part of the Inle lake. Soil conservation practices are thus urgently needed to control soil erosion and lake sedimentation and to conserve the wetland ecosystem. Most farmers have not yet implemented soil conservation measures to reduce soil erosion impacts such as land degradation, sedimentation and water pollution in Inle Lake, which is partly due to the low economic development and poverty in the region. Key challenges of agriculture in the hilly landscapes can be summarized as follows: fostering the sustainable land use of farming systems for the maintenance of ecosystem services and functions while improving the social and economic well-being of the population, integrated natural resources management policies and increasing the diversification of income opportunities to reduce pressure on forest and natural resources.