Entwicklung der Windenergietechnik in Deutschland und der Einfluss staatlicher Förderpolitik - Technikentwicklung in den 90er Jahren zwischen Markt und Forschungsförderung

Seit gut zehn Jahren erlebt die Windenergienutzung in Deutschland einen in der Mitte der 80er Jahre nicht für möglich gehaltenen Aufschwung. Anlagenanzahl und installierte Leistung haben in diesem Zeitraum mit durchschnittlichen jährlichen Wachstumsraten von mehr als 30 Prozent zugenommen, die mittlere installierte Leistung pro neu errichteter Anlage stieg dabei um das Zehnfache und die technische Verfügbarkeit der Anlagen liegt mittlerweile bei über 98 Prozent. Mit größer werdenden Anlagen zeigt sich weiterhin ein klarer Trend zu Blattwinkel verstellbaren Konzepten, mit zunehmend drehzahlvariabler Betriebsweise. Vor dem von Vielen für die kommenden drei bis sechs Jahre prognostizierten Einstieg in die großtechnische Offshore- Windenergienutzung mit den damit verbundenen immensen technologischen und strukturellen Herausforderungen erscheint es sinnvoll, einen kritischen Blick zurückzuwerfen auf die 90er Jahre mit den ihnen zugrunde liegenden förderpolitischen Rahmenbedingungen. Dabei soll die Frage beantwortet werden, welchen konkreten Einfluss die staatlichen Forschungs- und Förderprogramme, besonders das "250 MW Wind"-Programm, auf die Entwicklung der Windenergienutzung hatten, das heißt, unter welchen Bedingungen sich bestimmte Techniklinien durchsetzten, wie der Einfluss eines geschützten Marktes durch gesetzlich garantierte Einspeisetarife auf diese Entwicklung zu bewerten ist und schließlich, welche Fehlentwicklungen möglicher Weise eingetreten sind. Dazu wird mit Hilfe von Lernkurven gezeigt, welche Kostenreduktionen insgesamt erzielt wurden, wie hoch die dazu notwendigen staatlichen Finanzmittel waren und welche Schlussfolgerungen daraus für die Zukunft abgeleitet werden können. Die Arbeit soll insgesamt dazu beitragen, die erreichten technischen Entwicklungsschritte vor dem Hintergrund der förderpolitischen Gegebenheiten besser zu verstehen, Chancen für gezielte Änderungen in der Förderpraxis zu ergreifen und Hinweise auf die Ausgestaltung von zukünftigen Forschungsprogrammen und Entwicklungsschwerpunkten im Bereich der Windenergie zu geben, um weitere Kostensenkungspotenziale auszuschöpfen. Dabei wird sich die zukünftige Schwerpunktsetzung in der programmatischen Ausrichtung der Forschung stärker auf die drei wichtigsten Anwendungsfelder für Windenergieanlagen konzentrieren müssen, die großtechnische Offshore- Anwendung, die netzgebundene, dezentrale Energieversorgung sowie auf Windenergieanlagen zur ländlichen Elektrifizierung in autonomen Versorgungssystemen für Schwellen- und Entwicklungsländer.

Colombia: compromise or containment?

The design, reformulation, and final signing of Plan Colombia by the then US President, Bill Clinton, on the 13 July 2000 initiated in a new era of the US State´s involvement in supposedly sovereign-territorial issues of Colombian politics. The implementation of Plan Colombia there-on-after brought about a major realignment of political-military scales and terrains of conflict that have renewed discourses concerning the contemporary imperialist interests of key US-based but transnationally-projected social forces, leading to arguments that stress the invigorated geo-political dimension of present-day strategies of capitalist accumulation. With the election of Álvaro Uribe Vélez as Colombian President in May 2002 and his pledge to strengthen the national military campaign aganist the region´s longest-surviving insurgency guerrilla group, Las FARC-EP, as well as other guerrilla factions, combined with a new focus on establishing the State project of “Democratic Security”; the military realm of governance and attempts to ensure property security and expanding capitalist investment have attained precedence in Colombia´s national political domains. This working paper examines the interrelated nature of Plan Colombia -as a binational and indeed regional security strategy- and Uribe´s Democratic Security project as a means of showing the manner in which they have worked to pave the way for the implementation of a new “total market” regime of accumulation, based on large-scale agro-industrial investment which is accelerated through processes of accumulation via dispossession. As such, the political and social reconfigurations involved manifest the multifarious scales of governance that become intertwined in incorporating neoliberalism in specific regions of the world economy. Furthermore, the militarisation-securitisation of such policies also illustrate the explicit contradictions of neoliberalism in a peripheral context, where coercion seems to prevail, something which leads to a profound questioning of the extent to which neoliberalism can be thought of as a hegemonic politico-economic project.

Political Education in Plural Societies: Using the Anti-Bias Approach to Challenge Oppression in Bombay and Berlin

This study addresses the effectivity of the Anti-Bias approach and training methodology as a pedagogical political strategy to challenge oppression among student groups in the cities of Bombay and Berlin. The Anti-Bias trainings conducted within the framework of this study also become the medium through which the perpetuation of oppressive structures by students within and outside the school is investigated. Empirical data from predominantly qualitative investigations in four secondary schools, two each in Bombay and Berlin, is studied and analysed on the basis of theoretical understandings of prejudice, discrimination and identity. This study builds on insights offered by previous research on prejudices and evaluations of anti-bias and diversity interventions, where the lack of sufficient research and thorough evaluations testing impact has been identified (Levy Paluck, 2006). The theoretical framework suggests that prejudices and discriminatory practices are learnt and performed by individuals over the years by way of pre-existing discourses, and that behaviour and practices can be unlearnt through a multi-step process. It proposes that the discursive practices of students contribute to the constitution of their viable selves and in the constitution of ‘others’. Drawing on this framework, the study demonstrates how student-subjects in Bombay and Berlin perpetuate oppressive discourses by performing their identities and performing identities onto ‘others’. Such performative constitution opens up the agency of the individual, disclosing the shifting and dynamic nature of identities. The Anti-Bias approach is posited as an alternative to oppressive discourses and a vehicle that encourages and assists the agency of individuals. The theoretical framework, which brings together a psychological approach to prejudice, a structural approach to discrimination and a poststructural approach to identity, facilitates the analysis of the perpetuation of dominant discourses by the students, as well as how they negotiate their way through familiar norms and discourses. Group discussions and interviews a year after the respective trainings serve to evaluate the agency of the students and the extent to which the training impacted on their perceptions, attitudes and behavioural practices. The study reveals the recurrence of the themes race, religion, gender and sexuality in the representational practices of the students groups in Berlin and Bombay. It demonstrates how students in this study not only perform, but also negotiate and resist oppressive structures. Of particular importance is the role of the school: When schools offer no spaces for discussion, debate and action on contemporary social issues, learning can neither be put into practice nor take on a positive, transformative form. In such cases, agency and resistance is limited and interventionist actions yield little. This study reports the potential of the Anti-Bias approach and training as a tool of political education and action in education. It demonstrates that a single training can initiate change but sustaining change requires long-term strategies and on-going actions. Taking a poststructural perspective, it makes concrete suggestions to adapt and alter the Anti-Bias approach and the implementation of Anti-Bias trainings.

The Political Ecology of Salmon Aquaculture in Chile

Every German consumes per year, 15% is salmon, which is the third most popular fish in Germany after Alaska-Seelachs and Hering (Keller/Kress 2013: 9). But where does the salmon that ends up on our plates every 6th time we eat fish come from? There's no obligation for producers to declare the origin of their fish products, but if they do so, the latin name of the fish, catching method and catch area should be declared. Salmon, of which about 40% are captured in the wild and the rest brought up in aquacultures, could then be declared as follows: Salmon (salmo salar), aquaculture from Chile. Without any doubt, this makes consumption more transparent, but the standards of production – both, social and ecological ones – and the ecological impacts are still kept in the dark.

Political Economy of Global Rush for Agricultural Land: a Tract on India’s Overseas Acquisitions

This paper is an attempt to map the global land acquisitions with a focus on Indian MNCs in acquiring overseas land for agricultural purposes. It tries to outline the contemporary political economy of capital accumulation at the global level, especially, in the emerging developing economies like India and China, where the emergence of a new capitalist class has engaged itself into acquisition of land and control of other natural resources in Africa, Latin America, Eastern Europe and South East Asia, for example, water and other minerals to secure itself from the eventual losses of ongoing economic crisis and to earn profit from the volatile agricultural commodity markets. This sway of control of resources by the MNCs has got paramount State support under the helm of neoliberal policies. The paper provides scale of overseas land acquisitions at the current juncture and tries to highlight its causes and the major implications associated with it.