Colombia: compromise or containment?

The design, reformulation, and final signing of Plan Colombia by the then US President, Bill Clinton, on the 13 July 2000 initiated in a new era of the US State´s involvement in supposedly sovereign-territorial issues of Colombian politics. The implementation of Plan Colombia there-on-after brought about a major realignment of political-military scales and terrains of conflict that have renewed discourses concerning the contemporary imperialist interests of key US-based but transnationally-projected social forces, leading to arguments that stress the invigorated geo-political dimension of present-day strategies of capitalist accumulation. With the election of Álvaro Uribe Vélez as Colombian President in May 2002 and his pledge to strengthen the national military campaign aganist the region´s longest-surviving insurgency guerrilla group, Las FARC-EP, as well as other guerrilla factions, combined with a new focus on establishing the State project of “Democratic Security”; the military realm of governance and attempts to ensure property security and expanding capitalist investment have attained precedence in Colombia´s national political domains. This working paper examines the interrelated nature of Plan Colombia -as a binational and indeed regional security strategy- and Uribe´s Democratic Security project as a means of showing the manner in which they have worked to pave the way for the implementation of a new “total market” regime of accumulation, based on large-scale agro-industrial investment which is accelerated through processes of accumulation via dispossession. As such, the political and social reconfigurations involved manifest the multifarious scales of governance that become intertwined in incorporating neoliberalism in specific regions of the world economy. Furthermore, the militarisation-securitisation of such policies also illustrate the explicit contradictions of neoliberalism in a peripheral context, where coercion seems to prevail, something which leads to a profound questioning of the extent to which neoliberalism can be thought of as a hegemonic politico-economic project.

Political Education in Plural Societies: Using the Anti-Bias Approach to Challenge Oppression in Bombay and Berlin

This study addresses the effectivity of the Anti-Bias approach and training methodology as a pedagogical political strategy to challenge oppression among student groups in the cities of Bombay and Berlin. The Anti-Bias trainings conducted within the framework of this study also become the medium through which the perpetuation of oppressive structures by students within and outside the school is investigated. Empirical data from predominantly qualitative investigations in four secondary schools, two each in Bombay and Berlin, is studied and analysed on the basis of theoretical understandings of prejudice, discrimination and identity. This study builds on insights offered by previous research on prejudices and evaluations of anti-bias and diversity interventions, where the lack of sufficient research and thorough evaluations testing impact has been identified (Levy Paluck, 2006). The theoretical framework suggests that prejudices and discriminatory practices are learnt and performed by individuals over the years by way of pre-existing discourses, and that behaviour and practices can be unlearnt through a multi-step process. It proposes that the discursive practices of students contribute to the constitution of their viable selves and in the constitution of ‘others’. Drawing on this framework, the study demonstrates how student-subjects in Bombay and Berlin perpetuate oppressive discourses by performing their identities and performing identities onto ‘others’. Such performative constitution opens up the agency of the individual, disclosing the shifting and dynamic nature of identities. The Anti-Bias approach is posited as an alternative to oppressive discourses and a vehicle that encourages and assists the agency of individuals. The theoretical framework, which brings together a psychological approach to prejudice, a structural approach to discrimination and a poststructural approach to identity, facilitates the analysis of the perpetuation of dominant discourses by the students, as well as how they negotiate their way through familiar norms and discourses. Group discussions and interviews a year after the respective trainings serve to evaluate the agency of the students and the extent to which the training impacted on their perceptions, attitudes and behavioural practices. The study reveals the recurrence of the themes race, religion, gender and sexuality in the representational practices of the students groups in Berlin and Bombay. It demonstrates how students in this study not only perform, but also negotiate and resist oppressive structures. Of particular importance is the role of the school: When schools offer no spaces for discussion, debate and action on contemporary social issues, learning can neither be put into practice nor take on a positive, transformative form. In such cases, agency and resistance is limited and interventionist actions yield little. This study reports the potential of the Anti-Bias approach and training as a tool of political education and action in education. It demonstrates that a single training can initiate change but sustaining change requires long-term strategies and on-going actions. Taking a poststructural perspective, it makes concrete suggestions to adapt and alter the Anti-Bias approach and the implementation of Anti-Bias trainings.

Mobiles Lernen

In ihrer Arbeit "Mobiles Lernen. Analyse des Wissenschaftsprozesses der britischen und deutschsprachigen medienpädagogischen und erziehungswissenschaftlichen Mobile-Learning-Diskussion." zeichnet Judith Seipold die Phasen und Entwicklungslinien der bisherigen und naturwüchsigen Diskussion um das Mobile Lernen nach. Dabei eröffnet sie mit ihrer Analyse des vornehmlich britischen Wissenschaftsprozesses des Mobilen Lernens ab Beginn des 21. Jahrhunderts den Blick auf die Struktur der medienpädagogischen und erziehungswissenschaftlichen Mobile-Learning-Diskussion, auf deren Kontexte, Bezugspunkte, Perspektiven und theoretische Schwerpunkte, aber auch Erfolge und Problembereiche in der praktischen Umsetzung des Lernens mit Mobiltechnologien in formalisierten Lernkontexten wie dem des Schulunterrichts. Auf diese Weise liefert die Autorin eine Systematik, die nicht nur die britische Diskussion für die deutschsprachige Medienpädagogik verfügbar macht, sondern auch eine neue und systematisch begründete Reflexionsebene für eine aktuelle medienpädagogische Entwicklung – das Mobile Lernen – bildet. Zunächst widmet sich die Autorin der Analyse des Wissenschaftsprozesses der bisherigen britischen und teils auch der deutschsprachigen Mobile-Learning-Diskussion. Um diesen Prozess in seiner Struktur greifbar zu machen, skizziert sie die Bezugsdisziplinen, aus denen die medienpädagogische und erziehungswissenschaftliche Mobile-Learning-Forschung schöpft, arbeitet die Legitimationsbasis auf, auf die sich Mobiles Lernen stützt, zeichnet die historische Entwicklung der Diskussion nach, die sowohl Alltagsnutzung von Mobiltechnologien als auch den Fachdiskurs einschließt, und erläutert innerhalb ihres Modells der Phasen und Entwicklungslinien Mobilen Lernens Theorien, Konzepte und Modelle, die in der Mobile-Learning-Community als zentral für Analyse und Planung Mobilen Lernens erachtet werden. Konzepte und Modelle, die in der Mobile-Learning-Diskussion die Rolle der Lernenden in das Zentrum der Betrachtungen rücken und eine explizite Handlungsorientierung unterstützen, sind Kernbereich des theoriebasierten Teils der Arbeit. Überlegungen zu einer „Sozio-kulturellen Ökologie Mobilen Lernens“, zu „user-generated contexts“ und zu einer „kulturökologisch informierten Didaktik des Mobilen Lernens“ sind dabei sowohl reflektierende Einordnung aktueller Konzepte und Modelle als auch theoretische und konzeptionelle Basis für die praktische Umsetzung Mobilen Lernens. Um die Rolle der Handlungskompetenzen, kulturellen Praktiken und Strukturen der Lerner bei der Nutzung von Mobiltechnologien für Lernen analytisch zu fassen, finden im Praxis-Kapitel Planungs- und Analyseschemata unter Rückgriff auf Beispiele aus der Praxisforschung und der Implementierung mobilen Lernens in den Schulunterricht Anwendung. Ihre Erörterungen rahmt die Autorin abschließend kritisch und weist zum einen auf bildungspolitische, strukturelle und handlungspraktische Implikationen hin, die sich aus der Mobile-Learning-Diskussion ergeben; zum anderen lenkt sie das Augenmerk auf Gegensätze und Dialektiken des Mobilen Lernens, die sich im Spannungsfeld zwischen alltäglicher mobiler Mediennutzung und der teils theoretisch informierten schulischen Verwendung von Mobiltechnologien zum Lernen entfalten. Sie gilt es, im weiteren Verlauf der Diskussion zu hinterfragen und aufzulösen.

The social dimension: a neglected policy item in the Bologna Process

Since its beginning in 1999, the Bologna Process has influenced various aspects of higher education in its member countries, e.g., degree structures, mobility, lifelong learning, social dimension and quality assurance. The social dimension creates the focus of this research. The social dimension entered the Bologna Process agenda in 2001. Despite a decade of reforms, it somehow remained as a vague element and received low scholarly attention. This research addresses to this gap. Firstly, different meanings of the social dimension according to the major European policy actors are analysed. Unfolding the understandings of the actors revealed that the social dimension is mostly understood in terms reflecting the diversity of population on the student body accessing to, progressing in and completing higher education, with a special concern on the underrepresented groups. However, it is not possible to observe a similar commonality concerning the actual policy measures to achieve this goal. Divergence occurs with respect to the addressed underrepresented groups, i.e., all underrepresented groups or people without formal qualifications and mature learners, and the values and institutional interests traditionally promoted by these actors. Secondly, the dissertation discusses the reflection of this social dimension understanding at the national level by looking at cases of Finland, Germany and Turkey. The in-depth analyses show an awareness of the social dimension among most of the national Bologna Process actors and a common understanding of the social dimension goals. However, this understanding has not triggered action in any of the countries. The countries acted on areas which they defined problematic before the Bologna Process. Finally, based on these findings the dissertation discusses the social dimension as a policy item that managed to get into the Bologna Process agenda, but neither grew into an implementable policy, nor drop out of it. To this aim, it makes use of the multiple streams framework and explains the low agenda status social dimension with: i. the lack of a pressing problem definition: the lack of clearly defined indicators and a comprehensive monitoring system, ii. the lack of a viable solution alternative: the proposal of developing national strategies and action plans closed the way to develop generic guidelines for the social dimension to be translated into national policy processes, iii. low political perceptivity: the recent trends opt for increasing efficiency, excellence and exclusiveness discourses rather than ensuring equality and inclusiveness iv. high constraints: the social dimension by definition requires more public funding which is less appreciated and strategic constraints of the actors in allocating their resources v. the type of policy entrepreneur: the social dimension is promoted by an international stakeholder, the European Students’ Union, instead of the ministers responsible for higher education The social dimension remains a policy item in the Bologna Process which is noble enough to agree but not urgent enough to act on.

‘Green Consumption’ beyond mainstream economy: A discourse analysis

In contemporary society, green consumption is a popular concept. The life styles of people and consumption behaviors are moderated in accordance to the ‘green ideology’. The process of green consumption can be observed through social behaviors such as preference of bio foods, recycling, reusing, limiting the over consumption and using environmentally friendly transport systems. However, mainstream economic analyses on green consumption argued that consumer behaviors are due to the rational choice of individuality based on utility and self-preferences. The hypothesis of this paper on consumer behavior in green consumption is configured by discourses according to the discourse analysis.