4 resultados para Moisala, Pirkko: Gender and qualitative methods

em Universitätsbibliothek Kassel, Universität Kassel, Germany


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Abstract: This dissertation generally concentrates on the relationships between “genderand “space” in the present time of urban life in capital city of Tehran. “Gender” as a changing social construct, differentiated within societies and through time, studied this time by investigation on “gender attitude” or “gender identity” means attitudes towards “gender” issues regarding Tehran residences. “Space” as a concept integrated from physical and social constituents investigated through focus on “spatial attitude” means attitudes towards using “living spaces” including private space of “house”, semi private semi public space of neighborhood and finally public spaces of the city. “Activities and practices” in space concentrated instead of “physical” space; this perspective to “space” discussed as the most justified implication of “space” in this debate regarding current situations in city of Tehran. Under a systematic approach, the interactions and interconnections between “genderand “space” as two constituent variables of social organization investigated by focus on the different associations presented between different “gender identities” and their different “spatial identities”; in fact, “spatial identity” manifests “gender identity” and in opposite direction, “spatial identity” influences to construction of “gender identity”. The hypotheses of case study in Tehran defined as followed: • “Gender identity” is reflected on “spatial identity”. Various “gender identities” in Tehran present different perspectives of “space” or they identify “space” by different values. • As “gender identity” internalizes patriarchal oppression, it internalizes associated “spatial” oppression too. • Within the same social class, different “gender identities” related to men and women, present interconnected qualities, compared with “gender identities” related to men or women of different social classes. This situation could be found in the “spatial” perspectives of different groups of men and women too. • Following the upper hypotheses, “spatial” oppression differs among social classes of Tehran living in different parts of this city. This research undertook a qualitative study in Tehran by interviewing with different parents of both young daughter and son regarding their attitudes towards gender issues from one side and activities and behaviors of their children in different spaces from the other side. Results of case study indicated the parallel changes of parents’ attitudes towards “genderand “spatial” issues; it means strong connection between “genderand “space”. It revealed association of “equal” spatial attitudes with “open, neutral” gender attitudes, and also the association of “biased, unequal” spatial identities with “conservative patriarchal” gender identities. It was cleared too that this variable concept – gender space - changes by “sex”; mothers comparing fathers presented more equitable notions towards “gender spatial” issues. It changes too by “social class” and “educational level”, that means “gender spatial” identity getting more open equitable among more educated people of middle and upper classes. “Breadwinning status in the family” also presents its effect on the changes of “gender spatial” identity so participant breadwinners in the family expressed relatively more equitable notions comparing householders and housekeepers. And finally, “gender spatial” identity changes through “place” in the city and regarding South – North line of the city. The illustration of changes of “gender spatial” identity from “open” to “conservative” among society indicated not only vertical variation across social classes, furthermore the horizontal changing among each social class. These results also confirmed hypotheses while made precision on the third one regarding variable of sex. More investigations pointed to some inclusive spatial attitudes throughout society penetrated to different groups of “gender identities”, to “opens” as to “conservatives”, also to groups between them, by two opposite features; first kind, conservative biased spatial practices in favor of patriarchal gender relations and the second, progressive neutral actions in favor of equal gender relations. While the major reason for the inclusive conservative practices was referred to the social insecurity for women, the second neutral ones associated to more formal & safer spaces of the city. In conclusion, while both trends are associated deeply with the important issues of “sex” & “body” in patriarchal thoughts, still strong, they are the consequences of the transitional period of social change in macro level, and the challenges involved regarding interactions between social orders, between old system of patriarchy, the traditional biased “gender spatial” relations and the new one of equal relations. The case study drew an inhomogeneous illustration regarding gender spatial aspects of life in Tehran, the opposite groups of “open” and “conservative”, and the large group of “semi open semi conservative” between them. In macro perspective it presents contradicted social groups according their general life styles; they are the manifestations of challenging trends towards tradition and modernity in Iranian society. This illustration while presents unstable social situations, necessitates probing solutions for social integration; exploring the directions could make heterogeneous social groups close in the way they think and the form they live in spaces. Democratic approaches like participatory development planning might be helpful for the city in its way to more solidarity and sustainability regarding its social spatial – gender as well – development, in macro levels of social spatial planning and in micro levels of physical planning, in private space of house and in public spaces of the city.

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Even though there have been many studies on the impact of trade liberalisation on labour standards, most of the studies are at national level, and there is a lack of research at industry level. This paper examines the impact of free trade on labour standards in capital- and labour-intensive industries in a developing country. For empirical findings, I take the case of the garment industry, representing labour-intensive industry, and automotive industry, representing capital-intensive industry, in Indonesia in the face of ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA). Since the garment industry is a women-dominated industry, while the automotive industry is a men-dominated industry, this paper also employs a feminist perspective. As such, this paper also investigates whether free trade equally affects men and women workers. Besides free trade, other independent variables are also taken into account. Employing quantitative and qualitative methods, empirical evidence shows that there is an indication that free trade has a negative relationship with labour standards in the garment industry, whereas a positive relationships with labour standards in the automotive industry. This implies that free trade might result in decreasing labour standards in labour-intensive industry, while increasing standards in capital-intensive industry. It can also be inferred that free trade unequally affect men and women workers, in that women workers bear the brunt of free trade. The results also show that other internal and external independent variables are indicated to have relationships with labour standards in the garment and automotive industries. Therefore, these variables need to be considered in examining the extent of the impact of free trade on labour standards in labour- and capital-intensive industries.

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In der vorliegenden Arbeit wird ein am Strengths-Modell orientiertes Case Management-Projekt zur Prozess- und Ergebnisoptimierung der bereits bestehenden ambulanten gerontopsychiatrischen Versorgungsstruktur untersucht. Dazu arbeitete eine Krankenpflegerin mit psychiatrischer Fachausbildung in einer Berliner Sozialstation auf Basis einer professionellen Beziehung für 4-6 Wochen bei Klientinnen mit gerontopsychiatrischen Problemlagen, erstellte ein Assessment, leistete notwendige Unterstützung zunächst selbst, vermittelte gestützt auf die eigenen Erfahrungen weiterführende Dienste, leitete diese Dienste an, zog sich dann aus dem direkten Kontakt mit den Klientinnen zurück und blieb beratend für die weiterführenden Dienste verfügbar. Zur Untersuchung des Projekts wurden qualitative und quantitative Verfahren eingesetzt. Zur Beschreibung der Inhalte wurden die für jede Klientin verfasste Dokumentation und die Ergebnisse von grob strukturierten Interviews mit der Case Managerin, angelehnt an eine reduzierte Form der Methode Grounded Theory, in einem iterativen Prozess analysiert. In einem zweiten Schritt wurde dann untersucht, inwieweit die einzelnen Arbeitsinhalte des Case Managements die sozial-räumlichdingliche Umweltanpassung und Proaktivität der Klientinnen unterstützten. Die Wirkungen des Projektes auf Kognition, Aktivitäten des täglichen Lebens (ADL), Instrumentelle Aktivitäten des täglichen Lebens (IADL), Stimmung sowie soziales und störendes Verhalten wurden mittels eines standardisierten Fragebogens mit einem quasi-experimentellen prospektiven Untersuchungsdesign analysiert. Zur Analyse der subjektiven Wirkung des Projektes auf Angehörige wurden in den Ergebnissen von grob strukturierten Interviews mittels eines iterativen Prozesses Themen identifiziert. Die Klientinnen (n=11) erhielten durchschnittlich 23 Stunden Case Management. Neben den typischen Case Management-Aufgaben führte die Case Managerin, basierend auf den Gewohnheiten, Interessen und Selbsteinschätzungen der Klientinnen, therapeutische und pflegerische Maßnahmen durch und unterstützte dabei die sozial-dinglichräumliche Umweltanpassung und Proaktivität der Klientinnen. Zusätzlich wurden Hauspflegerinnen von der Case Managerin individuell in der Wohnung von Klientinnen hinsichtlich der Kommunikation mit und Unterstützung der Proaktivität von Klientinnen angeleitet. Die Hauspflegerinnen führten die von der Case Managerin eingeleiteten Maßnahmen erfolgreich fort. Bei den Klientinnen zeigten sich signifikante Verbesserungen in Gedächtnis, Stimmung, IADL-Funktionen und Sozialverhalten, aber nicht in ADL-Funktionen und störendem Verhalten. Diese Verbesserungen wurden subjektiv von den Angehörigen (n=7) bestätigt. Zusätzlich empfanden Angehörige eine zeitliche aber keine psychische Entlastung. Mit diesem Projekt wurde gezeigt, dass ein zeitlich begrenztes klientenzentriertes Case Management kognitive, soziale und emotionale Funktionen von gerontopsychiatrisch Erkrankten verbessert, Angehörige zeitlich entlastet und dass Hauspflegerinnen bei entsprechender Anleitung die vom Case Management eingeleiteten Maßnahmen fortführen können. In Folgestudien mit größerem Umfang sollten diese Ergebnisse überprüft werden um dann zu entscheiden, ob dieser Ansatz geeignet ist, die ambulante gerontopsychiatrische Versorgung gemeindenah zu verbessern.

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This research is a study about knowledge interface that aims to analyse knowledge discontinuities, the dynamic and emergent characters of struggles and interactions within gender system and ethnicity differences. The cacao boom phenomenon in Central Sulawesi is the main context for a changing of social relations of production, especially when the mode of production has shifted or is still underway from subsistence to petty commodity production. This agrarian change is not only about a change of relationship and practice, but, as my previous research has shown, also about the shift of knowledge domination, because knowledge construes social practice in a dialectical process. Agroecological knowledge is accumulated through interaction, practice and experience. At the same time the knowledge gained from new practices and experiences changes mode of interaction, so such processes provide the arena where an interface of knowledge is manifested. In the process of agro-ecological knowledge interface, gender and ethnic group interactions materialise in the decision-making of production and resource allocation at the household and community level. At this point, power/knowledge is interplayed to gain authority in decision-making. When authority dominates, power encounters resistance, whereas the dominant power and its resistance are aimed to ensure socio-economic security. Eventually, the process of struggle can be identified through the pattern of resource utilisation as a realisation of production decision-making. Such processes are varied from one community to another, and therefore, it shows uniqueness and commonalities, especially when it is placed in a context of shifting mode of production. The focus is placed on actors: men and women in their institutional and cultural setting, including the role of development agents. The inquiry is informed by 4 major questions: 1) How do women and men acquire, disseminate, and utilise their agro ecological knowledge, specifically in rice farming as a subsistence commodity, as well as in cacao farming as a petty commodity? How and why do such mechanisms construct different knowledge domains between two genders? How does the knowledge mechanism apply in different ethnics? What are the implications for gender and ethnicity based relation of production? ; 2) Using the concept of valued knowledge in a shifting mode of production context: is there any knowledge that dominates others? How does the process of domination occur and why? Is there any form of struggle, strategies, negotiation, and compromise over this domination? How do these processes take place at a household as well as community level? How does it relate to production decision-making? ; 3) Putting the previous questions in two communities with a different point of arrival on a path of agricultural commercialisation, how do the processes of struggle vary? What are the bases of the commonalities and peculiarities in both communities?; 4) How the decisions of production affect rice field - cacao plantation - forest utilisation in the two villages? How does that triangle of resource use reflect the constellation of local knowledge in those two communities? What is the implication of this knowledge constellation for the cacao-rice-forest agroecosystem in the forest margin area? Employing a qualitative approach as the main method of inquiry, indepth and dialogic interviews, participant observer role, and document review are used to gather information. A small survey and children’s writing competition are supplementary to this data collection method. The later two methods are aimed to give wider information on household decision making and perception toward the forest. It was found that local knowledge, particularly knowledge pertaining to rice-forest-cacao agroecology is divided according to gender and ethnicity. This constellation places a process of decision-making as ‘the arena of interface’ between feminine and masculine knowledge, as well as between dominant and less dominant ethnic groups. Transition from subsistence to a commercial mode of production is a context that frames a process where knowledge about cacao commodity is valued higher than rice. Market mechanism, as an external power, defines valued knowledge. Valued knowledge defines the dominant knowledge holder, and decision. Therefore, cacao cultivation becomes a dominant practice. Its existence sacrifices the presence of rice field and the forest. Knowledge about rice production and forest ecosystem exist, but is less valued. So it is unable to challenge the domination of cacao. Various forms of struggles - within gender an ethnicity context - to resist cacao domination are an expression of unequal knowledge possession. Knowledge inequality implies to unequal access to withdraw benefit from market valued crop. When unequal knowledge fails to construct a negotiated field or struggles fail to reveal ‘marginal’ decision, e.g. intensification instead of cacao expansion to the forest, interface only produces divergence. Gender and ethnicity divided knowledge is unabridged, since negotiation is unable to produce new knowledge that accommodates both interests. Rice is loaded by ecological interest to conserve the forest, while cacao is driven by economic interest to increase welfare status. The implication of this unmediated dominant knowledge of cacao production is the construction of access; access to the forest, mainly to withdraw its economic benefit by eliminating its ecological benefit. Then, access to cacao as the social relationship of production to acquire cacao knowledge; lastly, access to defend sustainable benefit from cacao by expansion. ‘Socio-economic Security’ is defined by Access. The convergence of rice and cacao knowledge, however, should be made possible across gender and ethnicity, not only for the sake of forest conservation as the insurance of ecological security, but also for community’s socio-economic security. The convergence might be found in a range of alternative ways to conduct cacao sustainable production, from agroforestry system to intensification.