11 resultados para Local Communities

em Universitätsbibliothek Kassel, Universität Kassel, Germany


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Short summary: This study was undertaken to assess the diversity of plant resources utilized by the local population in south-western Madagascar, the social, ecological and biophysical conditions that drive their uses and availability, and possible alternative strategies for their sustainable use in the region. The study region, ‘Mahafaly region’, located in south-western Madagascar, is one of the country’s most economically, educationally and climatically disadvantaged regions. With an arid steppe climate, the agricultural production is limited by low water availability and a low level of soil nutrients and soil organic carbon. The region comprises the recently extended Tsimanampetsotsa National Park, with numerous sacred and communities forests, which are threatened by slash and burn agriculture and overexploitation of forests resources. The present study analyzed the availability of wild yams and medicinal plants, and their importance for the livelihood of the local population in this region. An ethnobotanical survey was conducted recording the diversity, local knowledge and use of wild yams and medicinal plants utilized by the local communities in five villages in the Mahafaly region. 250 households were randomly selected followed by semi-structured interviews on the socio-economic characteristics of the households. Data allowed us to characterize sociocultural and socioeconomic factors that determine the local use of wild yams and medicinal plants, and to identify their role in the livelihoods of local people. Species-environment relationships and the current spatial distribution of the wild yams were investigated and predicted using ordination methods and a niche based habitat modelling approach. Species response curves along edaphic gradients allowed us to understand the species requirements on habitat conditions. We thus investigated various alternative methods to enhance the wild yam regeneration for their local conservation and their sustainable use in the Mahafaly region. Altogether, six species of wild yams and a total of 214 medicinal plants species from 68 families and 163 genera were identified in the study region. Results of the cluster and discriminant analysis indicated a clear pattern on resource, resulted in two groups of household and characterized by differences in livestock numbers, off-farm activities, agricultural land and harvests. A generalized linear model highlighted that economic factors significantly affect the collection intensity of wild yams, while the use of medicinal plants depends to a higher degree on socio-cultural factors. The gradient analysis on the distribution of the wild yam species revealed a clear pattern for species habitats. Species models based on NPMR (Nonparametric Multiplicative Regression analysis) indicated the importance of vegetation structure, human interventions, and soil characteristics to determine wild yam species distribution. The prediction of the current availability of wild yam resources showed that abundant wild yam resources are scarce and face high harvest intensity. Experiments on yams cultivation revealed that germination of seeds was enhanced by using pre-germination treatments before planting, vegetative regeneration performed better with the upper part of the tubers (corms) rather than the sets of tubers. In-situ regeneration was possible for the upper parts of the wild tubers but the success depended significantly on the type of soil. The use of manure (10-20 t ha¹) increased the yield of the D. alata and D. alatipes by 40%. We thus suggest the promotion of other cultivated varieties of D. alata found regions neighbouring as the Mahafaly Plateau.

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Angesichts der Geschichte der Entwicklungspolitik, ist diese Arbeit darauf ausgerichtet, einige Beobachtungen in Bezug auf die so genannte Entwicklung hervorzuheben; insbesondere auf die andauernde prekäre Situation und Armut in ländlichen afrikanischen Gebieten. Armut ist nach Amartya SEN – weiter präzisiert von J.L. Dubois – die Deprivation von „Fähigkeiten“, die Individuen und lokale Gemeinschaften zu ausgeschlossenen und vergessenen Akteuren des Systems machen. Das nennt Paulo Freire, das Menschen zu „Objekten“ gemacht werden. Es rechtfertigt die starke Annahme, die in dieser Studie getroffen wird, dass vielmehr die Menschen als „Subjekte“ ihrer Veränderung und Entwicklung im Mittelpunkt stehen. Die Arbeit zeigt und erklärt in historischer Chronologie, wie die Entwicklungspolitiken und unterschiedliche Beteiligte auf allen Ebenen diese Situation verursachen. Trotz alledem bleiben die Individuen und lokalen Gemeinschaften, die in Symbiose mit ihrer natürlichen Umwelt leben, die reich an verschiedenen Ressourcen und Potentialen ist, als Reaktion darauf und gleichzeitig als Überlebensstrategie zutiefst verbunden mit dem, was sie vor Ort haben, womit sie eine tiefere und intensive Beziehung besitzen, wenn man von ihrer Geschichte, ihrer Kultur und der Handlungslogik ausgeht. Für externe Akteure, die sie über das vorhandene System dominieren und beeinflussen bleiben sie „Objekte“, aber in der Vielzahl ihrer endogenen Initiativen, zeigen sie die Fähigkeit und Substanz, die beweisen, dass sie auf ihrer Ebene das eigentliche Subjekt sind, die dynamischen Akteure. Aber isolierte Initiativen auf spezifische reale Bedürfnisse bei gleichzeitiger Dominierung durch das System mit seiner Marktlogik, führt dies langfristig nur zu dem Zirkulus Vitiosus der Armut. Daher ist eine ganzheitliche Sicht entscheidend für nachhaltige Entwicklung und für die notwendige Veränderung. Es geht nicht nur um die Veränderung des Systems und die Wahl politischer Maßnahmen, sondern genau genommen um das Verhalten der Akteure auf allen Ebenen und die Art der Beziehungen zwischen ihnen allen. Es ist eine Frage des erneuten Überdenkens des Entwicklungspfades, der andere Logik, Visionen, Interessen und Strategien aller Beteiligten, unserer so genannten Akteure einschließt. Ob dies von endogenen Initiativen oder neuen gemeinsamen Projekten ausgeht: man wird in einen Prozess kollektiven Lernens eintreten, den Paul Singer und Clarita Müller-Plantenberg erläutern und entwickeln in dem Konzept der Inkubation und Solidarischen Ökonomie, die Eigeninitiative, Selbstbestimmung und Selbstverwaltung von lokalen Gemeinschaften und die Öffnung für eine Neu-Konzeptualisierung und Institutionalisierung einschließt. So ein Prozess ist nur mit einem interdisziplinären Rahmen möglich. Dieser Rahmen soll auf einer zusätzlicher Kommunikation zwischen den Akteuren und Sozialwissenschaften beruhen und mit jenen, die auf dem Feld der Technologie arbeiten. So können dann technische „Experten“ angesichts eines technischen Projektfehlers, der aufgrund von bestimmten sozialen und kulturellen Realitäten zustande kam sagen, „es ist kein Scheitern ; es war ein Schritt innerhalb eines Lernprozesse der in die technischen Projekte und Studien einbezogen werden muss“. Wir haben das Energiethema gewählt; und insbesondere, Energie für eine nachhaltige ländliche Entwicklung in Subsahara-Afrika, um den Weg von der Theorie in die Praxis zu illustrieren und experimentell auszuprobieren, den Weg von den Beobachtungen zu der Veränderung, wobei Fragen, Annahmen, Strategien und konkrete Aktionen für den Wandel behandelt werden. Wir nennen unseren experimentellen Weg: DRIEE, das heißt auf Deutsch Ländliche Entwicklung und Inkubation von Energieunternehmen. Dabei gehen wir davon aus, dass: - Energie im Allgemeinen auf der internationalen Ebene fast gleichbedeutend mit Elektrizität ist. Heute bestehen die wichtigsten Bedürfnisse nach Energie dort wo die agro-pastorale Produktion, das Kochen, die Nahrungsmittelkonservierung und Verarbeitung …etc. stattfindet. - Diese ländliche Bevölkerung zu etwa 80% der nationalen Wirtschaft ausmacht. Dass sie gleichzeitig aber nur zu weniger als 5% der Energieproduktion Zugang hat, was oft auf Licht reduziert ist und nicht einmal ihrer Produktion zugute kommen kann. - Die Projekte für Energie und Elektrizität vor allem auf die Technologischen Fragen konzentriert sind und weniger auf die Bedürfnisse. Fast die Gesamtheit der Fonds für Energie wird in Bezug auf die Investitionen Infrastruktur der Produktion und Verteilung durch die konventionellen zentralisierten Netze geplant. Angesichts dieser Analysen gehen die in dieser Arbeit vorgenommenen Studien in Gambia und Kamerun von Bestandsaufnahmen und / oder beschreibenden regionalen Analysen aus: - von Bedürfnissen, von Praktiken und lokalen Initiativen von Fragen der Energie, für einzelne Professionen, Haushalte, Gruppen, spezifische Gruppen, wie Frauen, ländliche Gemeinden mit ihren spezifischen Charakteristika. - Von Potentialen: natürliche lokale Energieressourcen, soziokulturelle Ressourcen – so z.B. die empirisch feststellbaren menschliche Ressourcen wie endogenes Wissen und praktische organisatorische Fähigkeiten gegenüber den Problemen der Energie. Dieser experimentelle Schritt von Handlungsforschung (DRIEE) in Kamerun führte zu der Gründung einer Organisation, über die und mit der wir die Logik der Inkubation und Solidarischen Ökonomie einführen. Das ist FERDEDSI, das heißt auf Deutsch „Forum für Erneuerbare Energie – Nachhaltige Entwicklung und Internationale Solidarität“. Zunächst war dies eine Energiegenossenschaft und dann (im Prozess) wurde es zu einer institutionellen Nische von mehreren Mikro Initiativen in ländlichen Gebieten. FERDEDSI ist ein Prozess der Inkubation und ein Inkubator ist also gleichzeitig ein inkubiertes Energieunternehmen aber auch ein Inkubator für lokale Organisationen. Die ersten Aktionen finden in den Departments von Noun und Ménoua in der westlichen Provinz von Kamerun statt. Während der Forschungsperiode findet akademische Austausch statt (Nord-Süd und Süd-Süd), diese ist dabei zu formalen Partnerschaften zu werden, nicht nur zwischen Universitäten sondern genauer lokale Organisationen und Universitäten. Dieser letzte Typ von Partnerschaften, die die solidarische Ökonomie ausmachen ist auch eine Innovation des Prozesses für die afrikanischen Fälle, die dem Beispiel dessen, was in Lateinamerika geschieht, folgen. So kommt es zu gegenseitiger sinnvoller Ausbildung in den internationalen Arbeitsgruppen und Seminaren der Universität.

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Die vorliegende Arbeit macht Vorschläge zur Einbindung der Öffentlichkeit in Planungsbestrebungen vor Ort, wobei vor allem Methoden empirischer Sozialforschung und deren Anwendbarkeit in landschaftsplanerischen Vorhaben näher betrachtet werden. Hiermit finden insbesondere Wertezuweisungen durch die Bürger stärkere Berücksichtigung. Es wird angenommen, dass, um eine zukunftsweisende Landschaftsplanung zu etablieren, Planer und Fachleute lernen müssen, wie die lokale Bevölkerung ihre Umwelt wahrnimmt und empfindet und welche Ideen sie für die zukünftige Entwicklung der Landschaft haben. Als empirische Grundlage werden Fallstudien aus Bad Soden am Taunus, Hamburg-Wilhelmsburg und Kassel-Rothenditmold präsentiert und verglichen. Rothenditmold und Wilhelmsburg zeichnen sich durch hohe Einwohneranteile mit Migrationshintergrund aus, weisen relativ hohe Arbeitslosenquoten auf und sind als soziale Brennpunkte bekannt – zumindest für Außenstehende. Beide Stadtteile versuchen ihr Image aufzuwerten. In Wilhelmsburg wird dieses Vorhaben in die großräumigen Veränderungen eingebunden, die von verschiedenen Hamburger Großprojekten ausstrahlen. In Rothenditmold ist vor allem Eigeninitiative durch den Stadtteil selbst gefragt. In Bad Soden gibt es ebenfalls viele Menschen mit ausländischen Wurzeln. Sie gehören allerdings mehrheitlich der gesellschaftlichen Mittel- und Oberschicht an. Bad Soden verfügt über ein insgesamt positives Image, das aller kulturellen Veränderungen zum Trotz beibehalten werden soll. Entsprechende Initiativen gehen hier ebenfalls von der Gemeinde selbst aus. An allen Standorten hat es drastische Landschaftsveränderungen und speziell deren Erscheinung gegeben. Bad Soden und Wilhelmsburg haben dabei Teile ihres vormals ländlichen Charakters zu bewahren, während in Rothenditmold vor allem Zeugnisse aus der Zeit der Industrialisierung erhalten sind und den Ort prägen. Die Landschaften haben jeweils ihre einzigartigen Erscheinungen. Zumindest Teile der Landschaften ermöglichen eine Identifikation, sind attraktiv und liefern gute Erholungsmöglichkeiten. Um diese Qualitäten zu bewahren, müssen sie entsprechend gepflegt und weiter entwickelt werden. Dazu sind die Interessen und Wünsche der Bewohner zu ermitteln und in Planungen einzuarbeiten. Die Arbeit strebt einen Beitrag zur Lebensraumentwicklung für und mit Menschen an, die mittels ausgewählter Methoden der empirischen Sozialforschung eingebunden werden. Dabei wird gezeigt, dass die vorgestellten und erprobten Methoden sinnvoll in Projekte der Landschaftsplanung eingebunden werden können. Mit ihnen können ergänzende Erkenntnisse zum jeweiligen Landschaftsraum gewonnen werden, da sie helfen, die kollektive Wahrnehmung der Landschaft durch die Bevölkerung zu erfassen, um sie anschließend in Planungsentwürfe einbinden zu können. Mit der Untersuchung wird in den drei vorgestellten Fallstudien exemplarisch erfasst, welche Elemente der Landschaft für die Bewohner von besonderer Bedeutung sind. Darüber hinaus lernen Planer, welche Methoden zur Ermittlung emotionaler Landschaftswerte verfügbar sind und auf welcher Ebene der Landschaftsplanung sowie bei welchen Zielgruppen sie eingesetzt werden können. Durch die Verknüpfung landschaftsplanerischer Erfassungsmethoden mit Methoden der empirischen Sozialwissenschaft (Fragebogen, Interviews, „Spaziergangsinterviews“, gemeinsame Erarbeitung von Projekten bis zur Umsetzung) sowie der Möglichkeit zur Rückkoppelung landschaftsplaneri-scher Entwürfe mit der Bevölkerung wird eine Optimierung dieser Entwürfe sowohl im Sinne der Planer als auch im Sinne der Bürger erreicht. Zusätzlich wird die Wahrnehmung teilnehmender Bevölkerung für ihre Umwelt geschärft, da sie aufgefordert wird, sich mit ihrer Lebensumgebung bewusst auseinander zu setzen. Die Ergebnisse dieser Untersuchung sind Beitrag und Beleg zu der Annahme, dass ergänzende Methoden in der Landschaftsplanung zur stärkeren Interessenberücksichtigung der von Planung betroffenen Menschen benötigt werden. Zudem zeigen die Studien auf, wie man dem planungsethischen Anspruch, die Öffentlichkeit einzubeziehen, näher kommt. Resultat sind eine bessere Bewertung und Akzeptanz der Planungen und das nicht nur aus landschaftsplanerisch-fachlicher Sicht. Landschaftsplaner sollten ein Interesse daran haben, dass ihre Entwürfe ernst genommen und akzeptiert werden. Das schaffen sie, wenn sie der Bevölkerung nicht etwas aufplanen, sondern ihnen entsprechende Einflussmöglichkeiten bieten und Landschaft mit ihnen gemeinsam entwickeln.

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Agro-ecological resource use pattern in a traditional hill agricultural watershed in Garhwal Himalaya was analysed along an altitudinal transect. Thirty one food crops were found, although only 0.5% agriculture land is under irrigation in the area. Fifteen different tree species within agroforestry systems were located and their density varied from 30-90 trees/ha. Grain yield, fodder from agroforest trees and crop residue were observed to be highest between 1200 and 1600 m a.s.l. Also the annual energy input- output ratio per hectare was highest between 1200 and 1600 m a.s.l. (1.46). This higher input- output ratio between 1200-1600 m a.s.l. was attributed to the fact that green fodder, obtained from agroforestry trees, was considered as farm produce. The energy budget across altitudinal zones revealed 95% contribution of the farmyard manure and the maximum output was in terms of either crop residue (35%) or fodder (55%) from the agroforestry component. Presently on average 23%, 29% and 41% cattle were dependent on stall feeding in villages located at higher, lower and middle altitudes respectively. Similarly, fuel wood consumption was greatly influenced by altitude and family size. The efficiency and sustainability of the hill agroecosystem can be restored by strengthening of the agroforestry component. The approach will be appreciated by the local communities and will readily find their acceptance and can ensure their effective participation in the programme.

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The Palma Project is an experiment in the use of cultural identity as a social trigger to address ecological degradation. The research methodology draws from environmental, social and urban analyses to unveil the best strategy to address the ecological, river restoration and water treatment challenges in Berkeley, California’s “Sister City” in southeast Cuba, Palma Soriano. The objective is to provide a better quality of life and to create new opportunities for the local community to reconnect with natural cycles of water and the cultivation of their own land. The project aim is to promote the strength and capacity of local communities to protect their own environment based upon a master plan, which includes natural wastewater treatment, reforestation, urban agriculture and the facilitation and utilization of a public space bordering the major river which flows by Palma Soriano, the Cauto. This project will contribute and produce healthy water recycling for Palma, provide a potable water source for the city, encourage ecological restoration of the riparian zone of the Cauto, and provide new opportunities for food production. It is designed to preserve the cultural identity of the local community, and to restore the essential balance between the community’s need to sustain both itself and the natural environment.

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For over 1,000 years, the Balinese have developed a unique system of democratic and sustainable water irrigation. It has shaped the cultural landscapes of Bali and enables local communities to manage the ecology of terraced rice fields at the scale of whole watersheds. The Subak system has made the Balinese the most productive rice growers in Indonesia and ensures a high level of food sovereignty for a dense population on the volcanic island. The Subak system provides a vibrant example of a diverse, ecologically sustainable, economically productive and democratic water management system that is also characterized by its nonreliance on fossil fuel derivatives or heavy machinery. In 2012, UNESCO has recognized five rice terraces and their water temples as World Heritage site and supports its conservation and protection. However, the fragile Subak system is threatened for its complexity and interconnectedness by new agricultural practices and increasing tourism on the island.

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Comparing the experiences of selected Latin America and the Caribbean countries and their trajectories over the past 15 years offers rich insights into the dynamics and causes for not meeting the 2015 MDGs. They also offer clues for post-MDG strategies. Central to achieving sustainable growth are government policies able to support small and medium-sized farms and peasants, as they are crucial for the achievement of several goals, centrally: to achieve food security; to provide a sound and stable rural environment able to resist external (financial) shocks; to secure healthy food; to secure local food; and to protect vibrant and culturally rich local communities. This paper analyses and compares the most successful government policies to the least successful policies carried out over the last 15 years in selected Latin American and Caribbean countries and based on this analysis, offers strategies for more promising post-MDG politics, able to reduce poverty, reduce inequality, fight back informality, and achieve more decent work in poor countries.

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At many locations in Myanmar, ongoing changes in land use have negative environmental impacts and threaten natural ecosystems at local, regional and national scales. In particular, the watershed area of Inle Lake in eastern Myanmar is strongly affected by the environmental effects of deforestation and soil erosion caused by agricultural intensification and expansion of agricultural land, which are exacerbated by the increasing population pressure and the growing number of tourists. This thesis, therefore, focuses on land use changes in traditional farming systems and their effects on socio-economic and biophysical factors to improve our understanding of sustainable natural resource management of this wetland ecosystem. The main objectives of this research were to: (1) assess the noticeable land transformations in space and time, (2) identify the typical farming systems as well as the divergent livelihood strategies, and finally, (3) estimate soil erosion risk in the different agro-ecological zones surrounding the Inle Lake watershed area. GIS and remote sensing techniques allowed to identify the dynamic land use and land cover changes (LUCC) during the past 40 years based on historical Corona images (1968) and Landsat images (1989, 2000 and 2009). In this study, 12 land cover classes were identified and a supervised classification was used for the Landsat datasets, whereas a visual interpretation approach was conducted for the Corona images. Within the past 40 years, the main landscape transformation processes were deforestation (- 49%), urbanization (+ 203%), agricultural expansion (+ 34%) with a notably increase of floating gardens (+ 390%), land abandonment (+ 167%), and marshlands losses in wetland area (- 83%) and water bodies (- 16%). The main driving forces of LUCC appeared to be high population growth, urbanization and settlements, a lack of sustainable land use and environmental management policies, wide-spread rural poverty, an open market economy and changes in market prices and access. To identify the diverse livelihood strategies in the Inle Lake watershed area and the diversity of income generating activities, household surveys were conducted (total: 301 households) using a stratified random sampling design in three different agro-ecological zones: floating gardens (FG), lowland cultivation (LL) and upland cultivation (UP). A cluster and discriminant analysis revealed that livelihood strategies and socio-economic situations of local communities differed significantly in the different zones. For all three zones, different livelihood strategies were identified which differed mainly in the amount of on-farm and off-farm income, and the level of income diversification. The gross margin for each household from agricultural production in the floating garden, lowland and upland cultivation was US$ 2108, 892 and 619 ha-1 respectively. Among the typical farming systems in these zones, tomato (Lycopersicon esculentum L.) plantation in the floating gardens yielded the highest net benefits, but caused negative environmental impacts given the overuse of inorganic fertilizers and pesticides. The Revised Universal Soil Loss Equation (RUSLE) and spatial analysis within GIS were applied to estimate soil erosion risk in the different agricultural zones and for the main cropping systems of the study region. The results revealed that the average soil losses in year 1989, 2000 and 2009 amounted to 20, 10 and 26 t ha-1, respectively and barren land along the steep slopes had the highest soil erosion risk with 85% of the total soil losses in the study area. Yearly fluctuations were mainly caused by changes in the amount of annual precipitation and the dynamics of LUCC such as deforestation and agriculture extension with inappropriate land use and unsustainable cropping systems. Among the typical cropping systems, upland rainfed rice (Oryza sativa L.) cultivation had the highest rate of soil erosion (20 t ha-1yr-1) followed by sebesten (Cordia dichotoma) and turmeric (Curcuma longa) plantation in the UP zone. This study indicated that the hotspot region of soil erosion risk were upland mountain areas, especially in the western part of the Inle lake. Soil conservation practices are thus urgently needed to control soil erosion and lake sedimentation and to conserve the wetland ecosystem. Most farmers have not yet implemented soil conservation measures to reduce soil erosion impacts such as land degradation, sedimentation and water pollution in Inle Lake, which is partly due to the low economic development and poverty in the region. Key challenges of agriculture in the hilly landscapes can be summarized as follows: fostering the sustainable land use of farming systems for the maintenance of ecosystem services and functions while improving the social and economic well-being of the population, integrated natural resources management policies and increasing the diversification of income opportunities to reduce pressure on forest and natural resources.

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The demands of mitigation and adaptation policies are important to understanding a country’s climate change preparation by providing microfinance in the agricultural sector. This could be seen as a strategy to fight against the challenges of future food security. In 2014, Indonesia established climate change adaptation policies. This legislation aims to pave the way for making actions on climate change adaptation mainstream in national and local development planning. Public and private finance have supported the implementation of the climate actions. However, most funding is still used for mitigation. Adaptation finance needs support, especially in agriculture. This research paper studies opportunities for microfinance to play a role together with existing resources in supporting climate change adaptation in Indonesia. The data was acquired and analysed through a literature review, analysis of case studies and interviews with stakeholders in the climate change-related financial sector. The central findings regarding the opportunity for microfinance to contribute to the existing schemes in Indonesian climate change adaptation finance for agriculture are worthy of the result. This study found that adaptation finance is mostly used for indirect activities. Meanwhile, local communities, and farmers in particular, need directly targeted measures to adapt to climate change. An alternative approach is providing microfinance, insurance and capacity development for farmers to produce high quality agricultural products. This would contribute to optimizing the agri-food value chain, which supports socio-economic development of stakeholders, especially farmers. Hence, microfinance appears to be one potential solution to support direct climate change adaptation actions for the agricultural sector. However, this may not be strong enough to finance the entire needs for agricultural climate actions. Adaptation is contextual, so it has to be grounded in the needs of local communities. Microfinance needs public sectors support as well as other resources from the private sector. In the case of rapid response to disasters, which often destroy the agricultural sector, microfinance should be advantageous in supporting adaptation. However, in reality, it does not work, as it is prevented by regulations. So, this can be an area the public sector can support as a risk-taker as well as by providing initial funds and resources for scaling up efforts.

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Currently the push toward frontier areas, which until twenty years ago were still largely untouched by commercial agriculture, is taking place on a massive scale. This push is being driven not the least by global economic developments, such as the price increase of agriculture commodities like coffee and cocoa. In most cases the indigenous communities become trapped between the state monopoly in natural resource management and the competition for resources by external actors. In this processes the indigenous communities start to lose their access to resources. Another victim in this process is the environment where the natural resources are imbedded. International and national organizations working to conserve environment have became conscious of the important role that indigenous people could fulfill as partners in this endeavour. This partnership in struggle has produced a new discourse on the relationship between indigenous people and their environment. As a further consequence, programs were set up to develop what became known as Community Based Natural Resource Management (CBNRM) with its numerous variations. Based on a case study in a village on the eastern border of the Lore Lindu National Park in Central Sulawesi, this study questioned the basic assumption behind the concept of Community Based Natural Resource Management (CBNRM). Namely the assumption that communities living at the margin of forest are socially and culturally homogenous, still more or less egalitarian, and basically living in harmony with their natural environment. This study was inspired by the persistent critique – although still a minority – on the basic assumption the CBNRM from academicians and practitioners working through the Entitlement perspective. Another inspiration was the mounting critique toward the participatory approach. In its effort the study explore further the usefulness of certain approaches. One of the approach much relied on in this study was the local history of the community studied, through exerting oral and local written documents on local history, legends and local stories. These sources proofed quite capable in bringing the local history into the light. Another was the actor oriented approach, which later came to be supported by the concept of Social Pool Resources. The latter concept proofed to be useful as analytical instrument to integrate social institutions and the common pool resources, as a field of action for the different actors as human agencies.

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This research is a study about knowledge interface that aims to analyse knowledge discontinuities, the dynamic and emergent characters of struggles and interactions within gender system and ethnicity differences. The cacao boom phenomenon in Central Sulawesi is the main context for a changing of social relations of production, especially when the mode of production has shifted or is still underway from subsistence to petty commodity production. This agrarian change is not only about a change of relationship and practice, but, as my previous research has shown, also about the shift of knowledge domination, because knowledge construes social practice in a dialectical process. Agroecological knowledge is accumulated through interaction, practice and experience. At the same time the knowledge gained from new practices and experiences changes mode of interaction, so such processes provide the arena where an interface of knowledge is manifested. In the process of agro-ecological knowledge interface, gender and ethnic group interactions materialise in the decision-making of production and resource allocation at the household and community level. At this point, power/knowledge is interplayed to gain authority in decision-making. When authority dominates, power encounters resistance, whereas the dominant power and its resistance are aimed to ensure socio-economic security. Eventually, the process of struggle can be identified through the pattern of resource utilisation as a realisation of production decision-making. Such processes are varied from one community to another, and therefore, it shows uniqueness and commonalities, especially when it is placed in a context of shifting mode of production. The focus is placed on actors: men and women in their institutional and cultural setting, including the role of development agents. The inquiry is informed by 4 major questions: 1) How do women and men acquire, disseminate, and utilise their agro ecological knowledge, specifically in rice farming as a subsistence commodity, as well as in cacao farming as a petty commodity? How and why do such mechanisms construct different knowledge domains between two genders? How does the knowledge mechanism apply in different ethnics? What are the implications for gender and ethnicity based relation of production? ; 2) Using the concept of valued knowledge in a shifting mode of production context: is there any knowledge that dominates others? How does the process of domination occur and why? Is there any form of struggle, strategies, negotiation, and compromise over this domination? How do these processes take place at a household as well as community level? How does it relate to production decision-making? ; 3) Putting the previous questions in two communities with a different point of arrival on a path of agricultural commercialisation, how do the processes of struggle vary? What are the bases of the commonalities and peculiarities in both communities?; 4) How the decisions of production affect rice field - cacao plantation - forest utilisation in the two villages? How does that triangle of resource use reflect the constellation of local knowledge in those two communities? What is the implication of this knowledge constellation for the cacao-rice-forest agroecosystem in the forest margin area? Employing a qualitative approach as the main method of inquiry, indepth and dialogic interviews, participant observer role, and document review are used to gather information. A small survey and children’s writing competition are supplementary to this data collection method. The later two methods are aimed to give wider information on household decision making and perception toward the forest. It was found that local knowledge, particularly knowledge pertaining to rice-forest-cacao agroecology is divided according to gender and ethnicity. This constellation places a process of decision-making as ‘the arena of interface’ between feminine and masculine knowledge, as well as between dominant and less dominant ethnic groups. Transition from subsistence to a commercial mode of production is a context that frames a process where knowledge about cacao commodity is valued higher than rice. Market mechanism, as an external power, defines valued knowledge. Valued knowledge defines the dominant knowledge holder, and decision. Therefore, cacao cultivation becomes a dominant practice. Its existence sacrifices the presence of rice field and the forest. Knowledge about rice production and forest ecosystem exist, but is less valued. So it is unable to challenge the domination of cacao. Various forms of struggles - within gender an ethnicity context - to resist cacao domination are an expression of unequal knowledge possession. Knowledge inequality implies to unequal access to withdraw benefit from market valued crop. When unequal knowledge fails to construct a negotiated field or struggles fail to reveal ‘marginal’ decision, e.g. intensification instead of cacao expansion to the forest, interface only produces divergence. Gender and ethnicity divided knowledge is unabridged, since negotiation is unable to produce new knowledge that accommodates both interests. Rice is loaded by ecological interest to conserve the forest, while cacao is driven by economic interest to increase welfare status. The implication of this unmediated dominant knowledge of cacao production is the construction of access; access to the forest, mainly to withdraw its economic benefit by eliminating its ecological benefit. Then, access to cacao as the social relationship of production to acquire cacao knowledge; lastly, access to defend sustainable benefit from cacao by expansion. ‘Socio-economic Security’ is defined by Access. The convergence of rice and cacao knowledge, however, should be made possible across gender and ethnicity, not only for the sake of forest conservation as the insurance of ecological security, but also for community’s socio-economic security. The convergence might be found in a range of alternative ways to conduct cacao sustainable production, from agroforestry system to intensification.