Berufsanforderungen und flexible Altersgrenze

In 1973 the government of the Federal Republic plans to introduce a flexible retirement age. According to this new law, old age pensions can be paid already to people who are 63 years of age instead of 65 as at present. The government thus hopes to do more justice to the difference in capacity for work of elderly insured people and to the lact that the decline of life of humans depends to a certain extent on the occupational requirements demanded of them. Based on social science and medical research results this essay shows that the flexible retirement age cannot master these problems. The essay mentions in particular general relationships between age and work as well as special relationships between practised work, illness, disability and age. The bibliography includes literature connected with other aspects of the flexible retirement age.

Innovation and Globalization Policy in Small Transition Countries ; Case study: Macedonia and Slovenia

Diese Arbeit befasst sich mit der Innovations- und Globalisierungspolitik in kleinen Transformationsländern am Beispiel Mazedoniens; diese wurde mit der Lage in Slowenien verglichen, einem Land von ungefähr gleicher Größe und mit gemeinsamer Vergangenheit als Teilrepublik der Jugoslawischen Föderation, aber mit einem wesentlich höheren ökonomischen Entwicklungsstand. Innovation wird dabei verstanden als „Herstellung, Anpassung und Ausnutzung von Neuerungen“, und sie wird durch das Umfeld, in dem sie stattfindet, beeinflusst. Anpassung und Ausnutzung sind gerade für kleine Transformationsländer von erheblicher Bedeutung, da ihre Fähigkeit zu Herstellung von Neuerungen sehr begrenzt sind. Die Rolle der Innovationspolitik besteht hierbei darin, institutionelle und organisationelle Regulierungen einzuführen, die ein günstiges Umfeld sowohl für Innovationen als auch für die Entwicklung eines nationalen Innovationssystems schaffen. Die Rolle der Politik besteht also nicht in der Innovation als solcher, sondern in der Herstellung der notwendigen Bedingungen für die Industrie und die Forschungseinrichtungen dahingehend zu schaffen, dass sie ihr Wissen, ihre Fertigkeiten und ihre praktischen Erfahrungen für innovative Tätigkeiten einsetzen können. Auf der einen Seite gibt es Institutionen und Organisationen, ohne die die Unternehmen rückständig und wenig leistungsstark wären (etwa das Patentamt oder Institutionen höherer Bildung), und auf der anderen Seite gibt es Institutionen und Organisationen, welche die Unternehmen dabei unterstützen, dass sie ihre Tätigkeit weiter unterstützen (z.B. durch Technologietransfer-Zentren und Netzwerke). Die Leistungen dieser Institutionen und Organisationen sind von großer Bedeutung für die nationalen Innovationssysteme und sollten ihrerseits durch Innovationspolitik unterstützt werden; dies bedeutet jedoch nicht, dass diese Leistungen vom Staat bereitgestellt werden, vielmehr sollte die Wirtschaftspolitik Möglichkeiten für die öffentlich/private oder sogar rein private Bereitstellung solcher Leistungen in Erwägung ziehen; dies würde nicht nur die Kosten für den Staat senken, sondern auch die Effizienz bei der Erstellung dieser Leistungen steigern. Die Arbeit kommt zu dem Schluss, dass das größte Problem der Innovationspolitik in Mazedonien darin besteht, dass es sie gar nicht gibt, und zwar nicht als Folge einer bewussten Entscheidung darüber. Tatsächlich müssen Ressourcen und Zeit für die Schaffung eines nationalen Innovationssystems eingesetzt werden mit Hilfe einer Politik, die sich auf die wesentlichen Umrisse konzentriert, wobei die Nachfrage nach Technologie im Unternehmensbereich gesteigert wird und das Wissen und das Informationsangebot restrukturiert wird. Dieses System muss offen sein, unter beständigem Verbesserungsdruck stehen und fähig sein, sich an Veränderungen anzupassen. Damit eine solche Politik erfolgreich ist, muss es einen Konsens darüber zwischen allen beteiligten Akteuren geben und darüber hinaus auch eine Kohärenz zwischen den verschiedenen politischen Institutionen. Das ist deswegen wichtig, weil der Innovationsprozess komplex ist und verschiedene Politikbereiche berührt. Ziel sollte die Schaffung eines Systems sein, das einerseits auf Autonomie und Kooperation aufbaut, andererseits aber auch Wettbewerb zwischen den beteiligten Institutionen und Organisationen fördert. Eine wichtige Bedingung für ein positives Investitionsklima im Bereich der Innovation ist die Erreichung von makroökonomischer Stabilität. Die gegenwärtige Situation ist gekennzeichnet durch Instabilität des Rechtswesens, durch Korruption und Probleme des Vertragsschutzes, die sowohl ausländische als auch inländische Akteure davon abhält, sich in wirtschaftlichen Aktivitäten in Mazedonien zu engagieren. Bei der Suche nach einem Ausweg aus diesen Problemen ist es wichtig für Mazedonien, von anderen Ländern wie Slowenien zu lernen, die ähnliche Probleme haben, aber auch schon Erfahrungen in der Problemlösung. Man muss dabei beachten, dass der Entwicklungsstand, das wirtschaftliche und das politische Umfeld in beiden Vergleichsländern sich erheblich unterscheiden, so dass die Lektionen, die Mazedonien von Slowenien lernen könnte, nicht direkt übertragen und kopiert werden können, sondern entsprechend angepasst werden müssen. Die vorliegende Arbeit liefert Einsichten in die Probleme der Innovationspolitik in Transformationsländern und liefert daher sowohl einen Anreiz als auch eine Quelle von Informationen für künftige Analysen der wirtschaftlichen Bedingungen und vor allem Innovationspolitik in Transformationsländern.

Constructing a ‘moment of crisis’ and its adequate solution

The rejection of the European Constitution marks an important crystallization point for debate about the European Union (EU) and the integration process. The European Constitution was envisaged as the founding document of a renewed and enlarged European Union and thus it was rather assumed to find wide public support. Its rejection was not anticipated. The negative referenda in France and the Netherlands therefore led to a controversial debate about the more fundamental meaning and the consequences of the rejection both for the immediate state of affairs as well as for the further integration process. The rejection of the Constitution and the controversy about its correct interpretation therefore present an intriguing puzzle for political analysis. Although the treaty rejection was taken up widely in the field of European Studies, the focus of existing analyses has predominantly been on explaining why the current situation occurred. Underlying these approaches is the premise that by establishing the reasons for the rejection it is possible to derive the ‘true’ meaning of the event for the EU integration process. In my paper I rely on an alternative, discourse theoretical approach which aims to overcome the positivist perspective dominating the existing analyses. I argue that the meaning of the event ‘treaty rejection’ is not fixed or inherent to it but discursively constructed. The critical assessment of this concrete meaning-production is of high relevance as the specific meaning attributed to the treaty rejection effectively constrains the scope for supposedly ‘reasonable’ options for action, both in the concrete situation and in the further European integration process more generally. I will argue that the overall framing suggests a fundamental technocratic approach to governance from part of the Commission. Political struggle and public deliberation is no longer foreseen as the concrete solutions to the citizens’ general concerns are designed by supposedly apolitical experts. Through the communicative diffusion and the active implementation of this particular model of governance the Commission shapes the future integration process in a more substantial way than is obvious from its seemingly limited immediate problem-solving orientation of overcoming the ‘constitutional crisis’. As the European Commission is a central actor in the discourse production my analysis focuses on the specific interpretation of the situation put forward by the Commission. In order to work out the Commission’s particular take on the event I conducted a frame analysis (according to Benford/Snow) on a body of key sources produced in the context of coping with the treaty rejection.

China's Labor Question

The Honda workers’ strike in 2010 attracted world wide attention. It was one of thousands of labor disputes that happen every year in China, but it was the first major calling for the right of workers to represent themselves in collective bargaining. The question of representation is therefore the main topic of the book. The various contributors to this volume share the view that the Chinese party-state takes the protest against social inequality seriously. It has enacted many laws aimed at channeling dissatisfaction into safe channels. The implementation of these laws, however, lags behind and these laws do not include the right of freedom of association. Without this right, super-exploitation will persist and the system of labor relations will remain prone to eruptive forms of protest. The first part of the book provides an overview of the economic context of Chinese labor relations, the transformation of class-relations, the evolution of labor law, and government policies intended to set a wage floor. Based on extensive field research, the second part looks at the evolution of labor relations at the industry level. In the third part, the focus shifts to the Corporate Social Responsibility agenda in China. The final part looks at the connection between land reform and social inequality.

Political Education in Plural Societies: Using the Anti-Bias Approach to Challenge Oppression in Bombay and Berlin

This study addresses the effectivity of the Anti-Bias approach and training methodology as a pedagogical political strategy to challenge oppression among student groups in the cities of Bombay and Berlin. The Anti-Bias trainings conducted within the framework of this study also become the medium through which the perpetuation of oppressive structures by students within and outside the school is investigated. Empirical data from predominantly qualitative investigations in four secondary schools, two each in Bombay and Berlin, is studied and analysed on the basis of theoretical understandings of prejudice, discrimination and identity. This study builds on insights offered by previous research on prejudices and evaluations of anti-bias and diversity interventions, where the lack of sufficient research and thorough evaluations testing impact has been identified (Levy Paluck, 2006). The theoretical framework suggests that prejudices and discriminatory practices are learnt and performed by individuals over the years by way of pre-existing discourses, and that behaviour and practices can be unlearnt through a multi-step process. It proposes that the discursive practices of students contribute to the constitution of their viable selves and in the constitution of ‘others’. Drawing on this framework, the study demonstrates how student-subjects in Bombay and Berlin perpetuate oppressive discourses by performing their identities and performing identities onto ‘others’. Such performative constitution opens up the agency of the individual, disclosing the shifting and dynamic nature of identities. The Anti-Bias approach is posited as an alternative to oppressive discourses and a vehicle that encourages and assists the agency of individuals. The theoretical framework, which brings together a psychological approach to prejudice, a structural approach to discrimination and a poststructural approach to identity, facilitates the analysis of the perpetuation of dominant discourses by the students, as well as how they negotiate their way through familiar norms and discourses. Group discussions and interviews a year after the respective trainings serve to evaluate the agency of the students and the extent to which the training impacted on their perceptions, attitudes and behavioural practices. The study reveals the recurrence of the themes race, religion, gender and sexuality in the representational practices of the students groups in Berlin and Bombay. It demonstrates how students in this study not only perform, but also negotiate and resist oppressive structures. Of particular importance is the role of the school: When schools offer no spaces for discussion, debate and action on contemporary social issues, learning can neither be put into practice nor take on a positive, transformative form. In such cases, agency and resistance is limited and interventionist actions yield little. This study reports the potential of the Anti-Bias approach and training as a tool of political education and action in education. It demonstrates that a single training can initiate change but sustaining change requires long-term strategies and on-going actions. Taking a poststructural perspective, it makes concrete suggestions to adapt and alter the Anti-Bias approach and the implementation of Anti-Bias trainings.

Re-Framing Trade

Given the substantial and increasing encroachment of trade agreements into almost every aspect of economic and social life, there is a pressing need for research that provides a more coherent framework for understanding the source and effectiveness of organised labour ’s power and capacity to influence international trade policy. Taking the union protests against the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) as a case study, this research uses core concepts derived from social movement theory to analyse the opportunities that existed for unions to influence these trade negotiations and their capacity to identify and take advantage of such opportunities. Importantly, it adds a power analysis designed to reveal the sources of power that unions draw on to take action. The research demonstrates that even where unions faced considerable constraints they were able to re-frame trade issues in a way that built broad support for their position and to utilise opportunities in the trade negotiation process to mobilise resistance against the GATS and further liberalisation of services. The theoretical framework developed for the research provides conceptual tools that can be developed for improving strategic campaign planning and for analytical assessment of past campaigns. The theoretical framework developed for this research has potential for further application as an analytical and strategic planning tool for unions.