6 resultados para In solidarity economy enterprises

em Universitätsbibliothek Kassel, Universität Kassel, Germany


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Angesichts der Geschichte der Entwicklungspolitik, ist diese Arbeit darauf ausgerichtet, einige Beobachtungen in Bezug auf die so genannte Entwicklung hervorzuheben; insbesondere auf die andauernde prekäre Situation und Armut in ländlichen afrikanischen Gebieten. Armut ist nach Amartya SEN – weiter präzisiert von J.L. Dubois – die Deprivation von „Fähigkeiten“, die Individuen und lokale Gemeinschaften zu ausgeschlossenen und vergessenen Akteuren des Systems machen. Das nennt Paulo Freire, das Menschen zu „Objekten“ gemacht werden. Es rechtfertigt die starke Annahme, die in dieser Studie getroffen wird, dass vielmehr die Menschen als „Subjekte“ ihrer Veränderung und Entwicklung im Mittelpunkt stehen. Die Arbeit zeigt und erklärt in historischer Chronologie, wie die Entwicklungspolitiken und unterschiedliche Beteiligte auf allen Ebenen diese Situation verursachen. Trotz alledem bleiben die Individuen und lokalen Gemeinschaften, die in Symbiose mit ihrer natürlichen Umwelt leben, die reich an verschiedenen Ressourcen und Potentialen ist, als Reaktion darauf und gleichzeitig als Überlebensstrategie zutiefst verbunden mit dem, was sie vor Ort haben, womit sie eine tiefere und intensive Beziehung besitzen, wenn man von ihrer Geschichte, ihrer Kultur und der Handlungslogik ausgeht. Für externe Akteure, die sie über das vorhandene System dominieren und beeinflussen bleiben sie „Objekte“, aber in der Vielzahl ihrer endogenen Initiativen, zeigen sie die Fähigkeit und Substanz, die beweisen, dass sie auf ihrer Ebene das eigentliche Subjekt sind, die dynamischen Akteure. Aber isolierte Initiativen auf spezifische reale Bedürfnisse bei gleichzeitiger Dominierung durch das System mit seiner Marktlogik, führt dies langfristig nur zu dem Zirkulus Vitiosus der Armut. Daher ist eine ganzheitliche Sicht entscheidend für nachhaltige Entwicklung und für die notwendige Veränderung. Es geht nicht nur um die Veränderung des Systems und die Wahl politischer Maßnahmen, sondern genau genommen um das Verhalten der Akteure auf allen Ebenen und die Art der Beziehungen zwischen ihnen allen. Es ist eine Frage des erneuten Überdenkens des Entwicklungspfades, der andere Logik, Visionen, Interessen und Strategien aller Beteiligten, unserer so genannten Akteure einschließt. Ob dies von endogenen Initiativen oder neuen gemeinsamen Projekten ausgeht: man wird in einen Prozess kollektiven Lernens eintreten, den Paul Singer und Clarita Müller-Plantenberg erläutern und entwickeln in dem Konzept der Inkubation und Solidarischen Ökonomie, die Eigeninitiative, Selbstbestimmung und Selbstverwaltung von lokalen Gemeinschaften und die Öffnung für eine Neu-Konzeptualisierung und Institutionalisierung einschließt. So ein Prozess ist nur mit einem interdisziplinären Rahmen möglich. Dieser Rahmen soll auf einer zusätzlicher Kommunikation zwischen den Akteuren und Sozialwissenschaften beruhen und mit jenen, die auf dem Feld der Technologie arbeiten. So können dann technische „Experten“ angesichts eines technischen Projektfehlers, der aufgrund von bestimmten sozialen und kulturellen Realitäten zustande kam sagen, „es ist kein Scheitern ; es war ein Schritt innerhalb eines Lernprozesse der in die technischen Projekte und Studien einbezogen werden muss“. Wir haben das Energiethema gewählt; und insbesondere, Energie für eine nachhaltige ländliche Entwicklung in Subsahara-Afrika, um den Weg von der Theorie in die Praxis zu illustrieren und experimentell auszuprobieren, den Weg von den Beobachtungen zu der Veränderung, wobei Fragen, Annahmen, Strategien und konkrete Aktionen für den Wandel behandelt werden. Wir nennen unseren experimentellen Weg: DRIEE, das heißt auf Deutsch Ländliche Entwicklung und Inkubation von Energieunternehmen. Dabei gehen wir davon aus, dass: - Energie im Allgemeinen auf der internationalen Ebene fast gleichbedeutend mit Elektrizität ist. Heute bestehen die wichtigsten Bedürfnisse nach Energie dort wo die agro-pastorale Produktion, das Kochen, die Nahrungsmittelkonservierung und Verarbeitung …etc. stattfindet. - Diese ländliche Bevölkerung zu etwa 80% der nationalen Wirtschaft ausmacht. Dass sie gleichzeitig aber nur zu weniger als 5% der Energieproduktion Zugang hat, was oft auf Licht reduziert ist und nicht einmal ihrer Produktion zugute kommen kann. - Die Projekte für Energie und Elektrizität vor allem auf die Technologischen Fragen konzentriert sind und weniger auf die Bedürfnisse. Fast die Gesamtheit der Fonds für Energie wird in Bezug auf die Investitionen Infrastruktur der Produktion und Verteilung durch die konventionellen zentralisierten Netze geplant. Angesichts dieser Analysen gehen die in dieser Arbeit vorgenommenen Studien in Gambia und Kamerun von Bestandsaufnahmen und / oder beschreibenden regionalen Analysen aus: - von Bedürfnissen, von Praktiken und lokalen Initiativen von Fragen der Energie, für einzelne Professionen, Haushalte, Gruppen, spezifische Gruppen, wie Frauen, ländliche Gemeinden mit ihren spezifischen Charakteristika. - Von Potentialen: natürliche lokale Energieressourcen, soziokulturelle Ressourcen – so z.B. die empirisch feststellbaren menschliche Ressourcen wie endogenes Wissen und praktische organisatorische Fähigkeiten gegenüber den Problemen der Energie. Dieser experimentelle Schritt von Handlungsforschung (DRIEE) in Kamerun führte zu der Gründung einer Organisation, über die und mit der wir die Logik der Inkubation und Solidarischen Ökonomie einführen. Das ist FERDEDSI, das heißt auf Deutsch „Forum für Erneuerbare Energie – Nachhaltige Entwicklung und Internationale Solidarität“. Zunächst war dies eine Energiegenossenschaft und dann (im Prozess) wurde es zu einer institutionellen Nische von mehreren Mikro Initiativen in ländlichen Gebieten. FERDEDSI ist ein Prozess der Inkubation und ein Inkubator ist also gleichzeitig ein inkubiertes Energieunternehmen aber auch ein Inkubator für lokale Organisationen. Die ersten Aktionen finden in den Departments von Noun und Ménoua in der westlichen Provinz von Kamerun statt. Während der Forschungsperiode findet akademische Austausch statt (Nord-Süd und Süd-Süd), diese ist dabei zu formalen Partnerschaften zu werden, nicht nur zwischen Universitäten sondern genauer lokale Organisationen und Universitäten. Dieser letzte Typ von Partnerschaften, die die solidarische Ökonomie ausmachen ist auch eine Innovation des Prozesses für die afrikanischen Fälle, die dem Beispiel dessen, was in Lateinamerika geschieht, folgen. So kommt es zu gegenseitiger sinnvoller Ausbildung in den internationalen Arbeitsgruppen und Seminaren der Universität.

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RESUMO: A economia solidária é aqui apresentada como um movimento social emancipatório e como uma das formas de resistências das trabalhadoras e trabalhadores ao modelo de desenvolvimento capitalista. O movimento contemporâneo de economia solidária abrange o processo de produção, comercialização e finanças. A economia solidária é caracterizada pela posse coletiva dos meios de produção e pelo controle dos trabalhadores dos empreendimentos através de autogestão, cooperação e solidariedade. Os empreendimentos econômicos solidários se organizam sob a forma de cooperativas, associações e grupos informais. Um dos maiores desafios da economia solidária está no campo educativo, porque impõe a desconstrução dos princípios individualistas e privatistas preponderantes na maioria das relações econômicas, e exige a construção de outra cultura pautada na solidariedade. Nesse sentido, a pesquisa realizada, tem como objeto de estudo as metodologias de incubação fomentadas pelas universidades nas ações de economia solidária. Para isso, analisamos as experiências da Incubadora de Economia Solidária da Universidade Federal da Paraíba - Brasil e da Incubadora na Universidade de Kassel- Alemanha – Verein für Solidarische Ökonomie e.V. A pesquisa buscou conhecer e analisar as práticas de incubagem das universidades na economia solidária, como processos de mudança social. A coleta de informações foi realizada, tendo por base, uma revisão bibliográfica, relatórios das Incubadoras, registros fotográficos, observação participante e entrevistas semi-estruturadas. Os resultados da análise indicam que as metodologias de incubação na economia solidaria, por terem um caráter aberto e participativo, por considerarem os condicionamentos históricos e as diferentes culturas, fazem-nas portadoras de mudanças sociais. Esta metodologia pode ser utilizada por diferentes atores, em lugares e situações distintas. A pesquisa indica ainda, a centralidade da questão ecológica como elemento que poderá unificar o movimento internacional de economia solidária.

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In China, the history of the establishment of the private housing market is pretty short. Actually in less then two decades, the market has grown from almost the scratch to playing an important role in the economy. A great achievement! But many problems also exist. They need to be properly addressed and solved. Price problem---simply put, housing price is too high--- is one of them, and this paper is focused on it. Three basic questions are posed, i.e. (1) how to judge the housing affordability? (2) why the housing price is so high? (3) how to solve the housing price problem. The paper pays particular attention to answering the second question. Except the numerous news reports and surveys show that most of the ordinary city dwellers complained about the high housing price, the mathematical means, the four ratios, are applied to judge the housing affordability in Shanghai and Shenzhen. The results are very clear that the price problem is severe. So why? Something is wrong with the price mechanism. This research shows that mainly these five factors contribute to the price problem: the housing reform, the housing development model, the unbalanced housing market, the housing project financing and the poor governmental management. Finally the paper puts forward five suggestions to solve the housing price problem in first-hand private Chinese housing market. They include: the establishment of real estate information system, the creation of specific price management department, the government price regulation, the property tax and the legalization of "cushion money".

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Urban and peri-urban agriculture (UPA) increasingly supplies food and non-food values to the rapidly growing West African cities. However, little is known about the resource use efficiencies in West African small-scale UPA crop and livestock production systems, and about the benefits that urban producers and retailers obtain from the cultivation and sale of UPA products. To contribute to filling this gap of knowledge, the studies comprising this doctoral thesis determined nutrient use efficiencies in representative urban crop and livestock production system in Niamey, Niger, and investigated potential health risks for consumers. Also assessed was the economic efficiency of urban farming activities. The field study, which was conducted during November 2005 to January 2008, quantified management-related horizontal nutrient flows in 10 vegetable gardens, 9 millet fields and 13 cattle and small ruminant production units. These farms, selected on the basis of a preceding study, represented the diversity of UPA crop and livestock production systems in Niamey. Based on the management intensity, the market orientation and especially the nutrient input to individual gardens and fields, these were categorized as high or low input systems. In the livestock study, high and low input cattle and small ruminant units were differentiated based on the amounts of total feed dry matter offered daily to the animals at the homestead. Additionally, economic returns to gardeners and market retailers cultivating and selling amaranth, lettuce, cabbage and tomato - four highly appreciated vegetables in Niamey were determined during a 6-months survey in forty gardens and five markets. For vegetable gardens and millet fields, significant differences in partial horizontal nutrient balances were determined for both management intensities. Per hectare, average annual partial balances for carbon (C), nitrogen (N), phosphorus (P) and potassium (K) amounted to 9936 kg C, 1133 kg N, 223 kg P and 312 kg K in high input vegetable gardens as opposed to 9580 kg C, 290 kg N, 125 kg P and 351 kg K in low input gardens. These surpluses were mainly explained by heavy use of mineral fertilizers and animal manure to which irrigation with nutrient rich wastewater added. In high input millet fields, annual surpluses of 259 kg C ha-1, 126 kg N ha-1, 20 kg P ha-1 and 0.4 kg K ha-1 were determined. Surpluses of 12 kg C ha-1, 17 kg N ha-1, and deficits of -3 kg P ha-1 and -3 kg K ha-1 were determined for low input millet fields. Here, carbon and nutrient inputs predominantly originated from livestock manure application through corralling of sheep, goats and cattle. In the livestock enterprises, N, P and K supplied by forages offered at the farm exceeded the animals’ requirements for maintenance and growth in high and low input sheep/goat as well as cattle units. The highest average growth rate determined in high input sheep/goat units was 104 g d-1 during the cool dry season, while a maximum average gain of 70 g d-1 was determined for low input sheep/goat units during the hot dry season. In low as well as in high input cattle units, animals lost weight during the hot dry season, and gained weight during the cool dry season. In all livestock units, conversion efficiencies for feeds offered at the homestead were rather poor, ranging from 13 to 42 kg dry matter (DM) per kg live weight gain (LWG) in cattle and from 16 to 43 kg DM kg-1 LWG in sheep/goats, pointing to a substantial waste of feeds and nutrients. The economic assessment of the production of four high value vegetables pointed to a low efficiency of N and P use in amaranth and lettuce production, causing low economic returns for these crops compared to tomato and cabbage to which inexpensive animal manure was applied. The net profit of market retailers depended on the type of vegetable marketed. In addition it depended on marketplace for amaranth and lettuce, and on season and marketplace for cabbage and tomato. Analysis of faecal pathogens in lettuce irrigated with river water and fertilized with animal manure indicated a substantial contamination by Salmonella spp. with 7.2 x 104 colony forming units (CFU) per 25 g of produce fresh matter, while counts of Escherichia coli averaged 3.9 x 104 CFU g-1. In lettuce irrigated with wastewater, Salmonella counts averaged 9.8 x 104 CFU 25 g-1 and E. coli counts were 0.6 x 104 CFU g-1; these values exceeded the tolerable contamination levels in vegetables of 10 CFU g-1 for E. coli and of 0 CFU 25 g-1 for Salmonella. Taken together, the results of this study indicate that Niamey’s UPA enterprises put environmental safety at risk since excess inputs of N, P and K to crop and livestock production units favour N volatilisation and groundwater pollution by nutrient leaching. However, more detailed studies are needed to corroborate these indications. Farmers’ revenues could be significantly increased if nutrient use efficiency in the different production (sub)systems was improved by better matching nutrient supply through fertilizers and feeds with the actual nutrient demands of plants and animals.

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Stories of peoples’ struggles across the globe are testaments to their determination to resist exploitation and injustice, and to imagine and construct their own narratives of economic and political difference. These stories of emancipatory moments demonstrate that something radically different in terms of dominant socio-economic relations and mental conceptions of the world may arise out of and beyond capitalism. The Pursuit of Alternatives: Stories of Peoples’ Economic and Political Struggles Around the World presents a fresh and new perspective on how the ‘process of becoming’ alternatives might take place based on peoples’ lived experiences. The chapters here, by labour activists and academics, explore how various forms of peoples’ economic and political initiatives and struggles in six countries – Brazil, Canada, Colombia, Nigeria, the Philippines, and South Korea – might become ‘actually existing’ spaces and moments for the development of critical consciousness and transformative capacities which are both central in challenging the dominant social, economic and political relations. The stories in this book bring to light today’s language of peoples’ struggles; what inspires people to create their own emancipatory moments and spaces for transformative self-change. While this book does not aim to propose an alternative to capitalism per se, it makes a stimulating contribution to the continuing debate on what alternatives to capitalist relations and arrangements might look like by grounding these alternatives in the everyday lives and struggles of workers, women, aboriginal peoples, the unemployed, and the poor.

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The traditional task of a central bank is to preserve price stability and, in doing so, not to impair the real economy more than necessary. To meet this challenge, it is of great relevance whether inflation is only driven by inflation expectations and the current output gap or whether it is, in addition, influenced by past inflation. In the former case, as described by the New Keynesian Phillips curve, the central bank can immediately and simultaneously achieve price stability and equilibrium output, the so-called ‘divine coincidence’ (Blanchard and Galí 2007). In the latter case, the achievement of price stability is costly in terms of output and will be pursued over several periods. Similarly, it is important to distinguish this latter case, which describes ‘intrinsic’ inflation persistence, from that of ‘extrinsic’ inflation persistence, where the sluggishness of inflation is not a ‘structural’ feature of the economy but merely ‘inherited’ from the sluggishness of the other driving forces, inflation expectations and output. ‘Extrinsic’ inflation persistence is usually considered to be the less challenging case, as policy-makers are supposed to fight against the persistence in the driving forces, especially to reduce the stickiness of inflation expectations by a credible monetary policy, in order to reestablish the ‘divine coincidence’. The scope of this dissertation is to contribute to the vast literature and ongoing discussion on inflation persistence: Chapter 1 describes the policy consequences of inflation persistence and summarizes the empirical and theoretical literature. Chapter 2 compares two models of staggered price setting, one with a fixed two-period duration and the other with a stochastic duration of prices. I show that in an economy with a timeless optimizing central bank the model with the two-period alternating price-setting (for most parameter values) leads to more persistent inflation than the model with stochastic price duration. This result amends earlier work by Kiley (2002) who found that the model with stochastic price duration generates more persistent inflation in response to an exogenous monetary shock. Chapter 3 extends the two-period alternating price-setting model to the case of 3- and 4-period price durations. This results in a more complex Phillips curve with a negative impact of past inflation on current inflation. As simulations show, this multi-period Phillips curve generates a too low degree of autocorrelation and too early turnings points of inflation and is outperformed by a simple Hybrid Phillips curve. Chapter 4 starts from the critique of Driscoll and Holden (2003) on the relative real-wage model of Fuhrer and Moore (1995). While taking the critique seriously that Fuhrer and Moore’s model will collapse to a much simpler one without intrinsic inflation persistence if one takes their arguments literally, I extend the model by a term for inequality aversion. This model extension is not only in line with experimental evidence but results in a Hybrid Phillips curve with inflation persistence that is observably equivalent to that presented by Fuhrer and Moore (1995). In chapter 5, I present a model that especially allows to study the relationship between fairness attitudes and time preference (impatience). In the model, two individuals take decisions in two subsequent periods. In period 1, both individuals are endowed with resources and are able to donate a share of their resources to the other individual. In period 2, the two individuals might join in a common production after having bargained on the split of its output. The size of the production output depends on the relative share of resources at the end of period 1 as the human capital of the individuals, which is built by means of their resources, cannot fully be substituted one against each other. Therefore, it might be rational for a well-endowed individual in period 1 to act in a seemingly ‘fair’ manner and to donate own resources to its poorer counterpart. This decision also depends on the individuals’ impatience which is induced by the small but positive probability that production is not possible in period 2. As a general result, the individuals in the model economy are more likely to behave in a ‘fair’ manner, i.e., to donate resources to the other individual, the lower their own impatience and the higher the productivity of the other individual. As the (seemingly) ‘fair’ behavior is modelled as an endogenous outcome and as it is related to the aspect of time preference, the presented framework might help to further integrate behavioral economics and macroeconomics.