Uncover the Concealed Link: Gender & Ethnicity-Divided Local Knowledge on the Agro-Ecosystem of a Forest Margin

This research is a study about knowledge interface that aims to analyse knowledge discontinuities, the dynamic and emergent characters of struggles and interactions within gender system and ethnicity differences. The cacao boom phenomenon in Central Sulawesi is the main context for a changing of social relations of production, especially when the mode of production has shifted or is still underway from subsistence to petty commodity production. This agrarian change is not only about a change of relationship and practice, but, as my previous research has shown, also about the shift of knowledge domination, because knowledge construes social practice in a dialectical process. Agroecological knowledge is accumulated through interaction, practice and experience. At the same time the knowledge gained from new practices and experiences changes mode of interaction, so such processes provide the arena where an interface of knowledge is manifested. In the process of agro-ecological knowledge interface, gender and ethnic group interactions materialise in the decision-making of production and resource allocation at the household and community level. At this point, power/knowledge is interplayed to gain authority in decision-making. When authority dominates, power encounters resistance, whereas the dominant power and its resistance are aimed to ensure socio-economic security. Eventually, the process of struggle can be identified through the pattern of resource utilisation as a realisation of production decision-making. Such processes are varied from one community to another, and therefore, it shows uniqueness and commonalities, especially when it is placed in a context of shifting mode of production. The focus is placed on actors: men and women in their institutional and cultural setting, including the role of development agents. The inquiry is informed by 4 major questions: 1) How do women and men acquire, disseminate, and utilise their agro ecological knowledge, specifically in rice farming as a subsistence commodity, as well as in cacao farming as a petty commodity? How and why do such mechanisms construct different knowledge domains between two genders? How does the knowledge mechanism apply in different ethnics? What are the implications for gender and ethnicity based relation of production? ; 2) Using the concept of valued knowledge in a shifting mode of production context: is there any knowledge that dominates others? How does the process of domination occur and why? Is there any form of struggle, strategies, negotiation, and compromise over this domination? How do these processes take place at a household as well as community level? How does it relate to production decision-making? ; 3) Putting the previous questions in two communities with a different point of arrival on a path of agricultural commercialisation, how do the processes of struggle vary? What are the bases of the commonalities and peculiarities in both communities?; 4) How the decisions of production affect rice field - cacao plantation - forest utilisation in the two villages? How does that triangle of resource use reflect the constellation of local knowledge in those two communities? What is the implication of this knowledge constellation for the cacao-rice-forest agroecosystem in the forest margin area? Employing a qualitative approach as the main method of inquiry, indepth and dialogic interviews, participant observer role, and document review are used to gather information. A small survey and children’s writing competition are supplementary to this data collection method. The later two methods are aimed to give wider information on household decision making and perception toward the forest. It was found that local knowledge, particularly knowledge pertaining to rice-forest-cacao agroecology is divided according to gender and ethnicity. This constellation places a process of decision-making as ‘the arena of interface’ between feminine and masculine knowledge, as well as between dominant and less dominant ethnic groups. Transition from subsistence to a commercial mode of production is a context that frames a process where knowledge about cacao commodity is valued higher than rice. Market mechanism, as an external power, defines valued knowledge. Valued knowledge defines the dominant knowledge holder, and decision. Therefore, cacao cultivation becomes a dominant practice. Its existence sacrifices the presence of rice field and the forest. Knowledge about rice production and forest ecosystem exist, but is less valued. So it is unable to challenge the domination of cacao. Various forms of struggles - within gender an ethnicity context - to resist cacao domination are an expression of unequal knowledge possession. Knowledge inequality implies to unequal access to withdraw benefit from market valued crop. When unequal knowledge fails to construct a negotiated field or struggles fail to reveal ‘marginal’ decision, e.g. intensification instead of cacao expansion to the forest, interface only produces divergence. Gender and ethnicity divided knowledge is unabridged, since negotiation is unable to produce new knowledge that accommodates both interests. Rice is loaded by ecological interest to conserve the forest, while cacao is driven by economic interest to increase welfare status. The implication of this unmediated dominant knowledge of cacao production is the construction of access; access to the forest, mainly to withdraw its economic benefit by eliminating its ecological benefit. Then, access to cacao as the social relationship of production to acquire cacao knowledge; lastly, access to defend sustainable benefit from cacao by expansion. ‘Socio-economic Security’ is defined by Access. The convergence of rice and cacao knowledge, however, should be made possible across gender and ethnicity, not only for the sake of forest conservation as the insurance of ecological security, but also for community’s socio-economic security. The convergence might be found in a range of alternative ways to conduct cacao sustainable production, from agroforestry system to intensification.

Rural households’ social capital and welfare: A case study of Msinga, KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa

In a household or nations production system, social capital has been recognized as an input having major implications for project design as well as policy development. Using a structured questionnaire, household level data was obtained from a representative sample of 300 rural households in Msinga, KwaZulu-Natal. This study employed the conventional household economic behaviour model under constrained utility maximisation to examine the effect of social capital on the welfare of household, testing the hypothesis that the possession of social capital improves household welfare. The result shows that social capital endowments have a statistically significant positive effect on household welfare, in addition to the some household’s demographic and socio-economic characteristics. The study concluded that, access to social capital among other factors, is very crucial for improved rural household welfare and poverty reduction. It is therefore important for government to have knowledge of existing social groups and networks as this will improve the effectiveness of the present strategies aimed at reducing poverty.

Opportunities and constraints of peri-urban buffalo and dairy cattle systems in Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan

In the big cities of Pakistan, peri-urban dairy production plays an important role for household income generation and the supply of milk and meat to the urban population. On the other hand, milk production in general, and peri-urban dairy production in particular, faces numerous problems that have been well known for decades. Peri-urban dairy producers have been especially neglected by politicians as well as non-government-organizations (NGOs). Against this background, a study in Pakistan’s third largest city, Faisalabad (Punjab Province), was carried out with the aims of gathering basic information, determining major constraints and identifying options for improvements of the peri-urban milk production systems. For data collection, 145 peri-urban households (HH) engaged in dairy production were interviewed face to face using a structured and pretested questionnaire with an interpreter. For analyses, HH were classified into three wealth groups according to their own perception. Thus, 38 HH were poor, 95 HH well off and 12 HH rich (26.2%, 65.5% and 8.3%, respectively). The richer the respondents perceived their HH, the more frequently they were actually in possession of high value HH assets like phones, bank accounts, motorbikes, tractors and cars. Although there was no difference between the wealth groups with respect to the number of HH members (about 10, range: 1 to 23), the educational level of the HH heads differed significantly: on average, heads of poor HH had followed education for 3 years, compared to 6 years for well off HH and 8 years for rich HH. About 40% of the poor and well off HH also had off-farm incomes, while the percentage was much higher - two thirds (67%) - for the rich HH. The majority of the HH were landless (62%); the rest (55 HH) possessed agricultural land from 0.1 to 10.1 ha (average 2.8 ha), where they were growing green fodder: maize, sorghum and pearl millet in summer; berseem, sugar cane and wheat were grown in winter. Dairy animals accounted for about 60% of the herds; the number of dairy animals per HH ranged from 2 to 50 buffaloes (Nili-Ravi breed) and from 0 to 20 cows (mostly crossbred, also Sahiwal). About 37% (n=54) of the HH did not keep cattle. About three quarters of the dairy animals were lactating. The majority of the people taking care of the animals were family workers; 17.3% were hired labourers (exclusively male), employed by 11 rich and 32 well off HH; none of the poor HH employed workers, but the percentages were 33.7% for the well off and 91.7% for the rich HH. The total number of workers increased significantly with increasing wealth (poor: 2.0; well off:2.5; rich: 3.4). Overall, 69 female labourers were recorded, making up 16.8% of employed workers and one fourth of the HH’s own labourers. Apparently, their only duty was to clean the animals´ living areas; only one of them was also watering and showering the animals. Poor HH relied more on female workers than the other two groups: 27.1% of the workers of poor HH were women, but only 14.8% and 6.8% of the labour force of well off and rich HH were female. Two thirds (70%) of the HH sold milk to dhodis (middlemen) and one third (35%) to neighbours; three HH (2%) did doorstep delivery and one HH (1%) had its own shop. The 91 HH keeping both species usually sold mixed milk (97%). Clients for mixed and pure buffalo milk were dhodis (78%, respectively 59%) and neighbours (28%, respectively 47%). The highest milk prices per liter (Pakistani Rupees, 100 PKR @ 0.8 Euro) were paid by alternative clients (44 PKR; 4 HH), followed by neighbours (40 PKR, 50 HH); dhodis paid lower prices (36 PKR, 99 HH). Prices for pure buffalo and mixed milk did not differ significantly. However, HH obtaining the maximum price from the respective clients for the respective type of milk got between 20% (mixed milk, alternative clients) and 68% (mixed milk, dhodi) more than HH fetching the minimum price. Some HH (19%) reported 7% higher prices for the current summer than the preceding winter. Amount of milk sold and distance from the HH to the city center did not influence milk prices. Respondents usually named problems that directly affected their income and that were directly and constantly visible to them, such as high costs, little space and fodder shortages. Other constraints that are only influencing their income indirectly, e.g. the relatively low genetic potential of their animals due to neglected breeding as well as the short- and long-term health problems correlated with imbalanced feeding and insufficient health care, were rarely named. The same accounts for problems accompanying improper dung management (storage, disposal, burning instead of recycling) for the environment and human health. Most of the named problems are linked to each other and should be addressed within the context of the entire system. Therefore, further research should focus on systematic investigations and improvement options, taking a holistic and interdisciplinary approach instead of only working in single fields. Concerted efforts of dairy farmers, researchers, NGOs and political decision makers are necessary to create an economic, ecological and social framework that allows dairy production to serve the entire society. For this, different improvement options should be tested in terms of their impact on environment and income of the farmers, as well as feasibility and sustainability in the peri-urban zones of Faisalabad.