Nicaragua: Neue Wege in Sozialpolitik und ländlicher Entwicklung?

Seit Anfang 2007 wird Nicaragua wieder von Daniel Ortega und der FSLN regiert. Trotz weit verbreiteter Skepsis auch innerhalb der Nicaragua-Solidaritätsbewegung, erhoffte man sich zumindest einige soziale Verbesserungen. Das vorliegende Working Paper beschäftigt sich mit der Politik der FSLN in den Bereichen Sozialpolitik und ländliche Entwicklung. Dabei wird insbesondere das unter dem Namen ‚Hambre Cero’ (Null Hunger) bekannt gewordene Programa Productivo Alimentario (PPA) genauer untersucht und im Kontext des sich wandelnden nicaraguanischen Wohlfahrtsregimes diskutiert. Die Analyse des Programms schließt an eine zusammenfassende Darstellung der Sozialpolitik der Regierung Ortega an. Es wird aufgezeigt inwiefern sich der soziale Regierungsdiskurs, der u.a. die Bedeutung kleinbäuerlicher sowie in Kooperativen organisierter landwirtschaftlicher Produktion betont, tatsächlich in eine sozialere Politik umsetzt.

Somalische Piraten vor der Küste eines Failed State?

Die Ursachen für die Piraterie am Horn von Afrika seien an Land zu suchen, konstatieren Vertreter aus Politik, der medialen Öffentlichkeit und den Sozialwissenschaften einhellig, wo mit Somalia der zerfallene Staat par excellence liegt. Anlässlich des gegenwärtigen Konflikts setzt sich das Papier kritisch mit dem allgegenwärtigen Konzept des Staatszerfalls auseinander. Ausgehend von der Feststellung, dass empirische Befunde die somalische Piraterie betreffend Grundannahmen der gängigen Zerfallsdiagnose und der daraus resultierenden Problemlösungsstrategien in Frage stellen, wird am Fall Somalia die Erkenntnisreichweite des Staatszerfallskonzepts an sich ausgelotet. Hierzu wird zunächst eine Bestandsaufnahme der theoretischen und methodischen Grundannahmen der Staatszerfallsforschung vollzogen und auf Operationalisierungspropleme des Forschungsstrangs hingewiesen. Das Papier kommt zu dem Ergebnis, dass der Forschungsstrang erstens zu einem einseitigen Fokus auf gesellschaftsinterne Faktoren bei der Ursachenergründung von Zerfallsprozessen neigt; zweitens tendiert die Staatszerfallsforschung zu einem reduktionistischen Akteursverständnis und sie verzichtet auf eine Analyse historisch-konkreter Herrschaftsverhältnisse und drittens verfährt sie nach einem ‘single-catch-all’-Prinzip, was eine Tendenz zur Homogenisierung unterschiedlicher empirischer Erscheinungen zur Folge hat. Diese analytischen Engführungen und Vagheiten sind dem normativen und ungeprüften Transfer des modernen Staatsbegriffs in den globalen Süden geschuldet, ebenso wie dem eurozentristischen Prozessverständnis, was den theoretischen Implikationen des Staatszerfallskonzepts zugrunde liegt. Das Konzept bietet gleichzeitig eine äußerst flexible Legitimationsfolie für interessengeleitete Außenpolitiken bishin zu Militärinterventionen.

Informalidad laboral y clases sociales en Argentina

Das Working Paper analysiert die Sozialstruktur Argentiniens in den letzten vierzig Jahren. Schwerpunktmäßig werden dabei die Veränderungen der gesellschaftlichen Stratifizierung identifiziert, die in drei soziale Klassen, die obere, die mittlere und die untere Klasse eingeteilt werden. Drei Debatten werden dabei beleuchtet: Erstens die methodologische Frage, welche Kriterien geeignet sind um angemessene Unterscheidungen zwischen den verschiedenen Klassen, insbesondere die Abgrenzung der Mittelklasse vorzunehmen. Zweitens wird im Rückgriff auf unterschiedliche Forschungsansätze der Wandel der Sozialstruktur beschrieben, um dabei gemeinsame Tendenzen zu erkennen. Drittens wird der Blick auf die Charakteristika des Arbeitsmarktes gelegt und darauf, wie dieser die argentinische Sozialstruktur prägt.

Eine quantitative Analyse des Extraktivismus in Lateinamerika

Unter dem Schlagwort “(Neo-)Extraktivismus” ist in den vergangenen Jahren eine rege Debatte über die Wirtschafts- und Sozialpolitik der neuen progressiven Regierungen in Lateinamerika entstanden. Kern des Konzepts ist die Kritik an einer hauptsächlich auf Rohstoffausbeutung basierenden Wachstums- und Entwicklungsstrategie, die, so die Vertreter der Debatte, für weite Teile der Region Lateinamerikas und der Karibik (nach wie vor) als vorherrschend betrachtet werden kann. Die geführte Auseinandersetzung basiert jedoch bis dato auf einer schmalen empirischen Grundlage. Der Gegenstand des Working Papers ist die Frage nach der quantitativen Dimension des (Neo-)Extraktivismus in Lateinamerika. Das Paper greift hierzu zentrale Annahmen der Debatte auf und unterzieht sie einer systematischen Analyse. Diese umfasst eine Länderauswahl von fünfzehn Staaten bestehend aus Ländern der Andengemeinschaft, des Cono Sur-Raums und Mittelamerikas. Die zentrale These des Working Papers lautet, dass auf dem Subkontinent nicht von einem einheitlichen Extraktivismus gesprochen werden kann, da sich unterschiedliche Ausprägungen des Phänomens belegen lassen.

Klimaanpassungspolitik in Nicaragua

Das Working Paper diskutiert top down initiierte Klimaanpassungspolitik in Nicaragua und präsentiert alternative Akteure der Sensibilisierung für Klimawandel und Partizipationsformen im ländlichen Raum. Aufbauend auf früheren Studien wird dabei angenommen, dass die top down initiierten Partizipationsformen in dem zentralamerikanischen Land keine gleichberechtigten Zugangsmöglichkeiten der Gesellschaftsmitglieder an politischen Verhandlungen erzeugen und strukturelle Exklusionsmechanismen nur durch die BewohnerInnen selbst verändert werden können. Diese Erkenntnisse werden im Working Paper aufgenommen und auf die Fragestellung nach dem Potential von Basisorganisationen analysiert, gerechtere Zugangsmöglichkeiten für ländliche BewohnerInnen zu politischen Verhandlungen und/oder Entscheidungsprozessen zu schaffen. Empirisch basiert die Studie auf der Untersuchung des Beitrags von zwei Basisorganisationen für eine verfahrensgerechte Klimapolitik zur Reduzierung der Ausschlussmechanismen ländlicher Personen(gruppen) und Einbindung lokaler Klimawandelerfahrungen unterschiedlicher sozialer Gruppen.

Together?

This paper explores the relationship between migrant leaders and labour rights activists starting with the acknowledgment that this is often a source of frustration for all subjects involved. The collaboration between organisations of migrants and those of workers is not always smooth and truly collaborative, yet foreign workers have an increasing importance in the negotiation of better labour rights in Europe. The topic is discussed by taking the case of migrant domestic labour in Italy and the experience of Italian and Filipino organisation leaders who campaign for better rights in this sector. The discussion will be developed by bringing together the perspectives of three key actors in the field: trade unions, Christian labour organisations, and Filipino women's groups. Through the analysis of indepth interviews with women representatives of these organisations, impediments in the collaborations among them will be discussed, including difficulties in identifying an egalitarian method for pursuing common goals together, lack of 'trust' in the good-will of labour organisations from the side of migrants, and finally, the limits of what will be called 'bridge-persons', i.e. trade unionists with migrant backgrounds who are expected to facilitate the connection between the two groups.

Opportunities and constraints of peri-urban buffalo and dairy cattle systems in Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan

In the big cities of Pakistan, peri-urban dairy production plays an important role for household income generation and the supply of milk and meat to the urban population. On the other hand, milk production in general, and peri-urban dairy production in particular, faces numerous problems that have been well known for decades. Peri-urban dairy producers have been especially neglected by politicians as well as non-government-organizations (NGOs). Against this background, a study in Pakistan’s third largest city, Faisalabad (Punjab Province), was carried out with the aims of gathering basic information, determining major constraints and identifying options for improvements of the peri-urban milk production systems. For data collection, 145 peri-urban households (HH) engaged in dairy production were interviewed face to face using a structured and pretested questionnaire with an interpreter. For analyses, HH were classified into three wealth groups according to their own perception. Thus, 38 HH were poor, 95 HH well off and 12 HH rich (26.2%, 65.5% and 8.3%, respectively). The richer the respondents perceived their HH, the more frequently they were actually in possession of high value HH assets like phones, bank accounts, motorbikes, tractors and cars. Although there was no difference between the wealth groups with respect to the number of HH members (about 10, range: 1 to 23), the educational level of the HH heads differed significantly: on average, heads of poor HH had followed education for 3 years, compared to 6 years for well off HH and 8 years for rich HH. About 40% of the poor and well off HH also had off-farm incomes, while the percentage was much higher - two thirds (67%) - for the rich HH. The majority of the HH were landless (62%); the rest (55 HH) possessed agricultural land from 0.1 to 10.1 ha (average 2.8 ha), where they were growing green fodder: maize, sorghum and pearl millet in summer; berseem, sugar cane and wheat were grown in winter. Dairy animals accounted for about 60% of the herds; the number of dairy animals per HH ranged from 2 to 50 buffaloes (Nili-Ravi breed) and from 0 to 20 cows (mostly crossbred, also Sahiwal). About 37% (n=54) of the HH did not keep cattle. About three quarters of the dairy animals were lactating. The majority of the people taking care of the animals were family workers; 17.3% were hired labourers (exclusively male), employed by 11 rich and 32 well off HH; none of the poor HH employed workers, but the percentages were 33.7% for the well off and 91.7% for the rich HH. The total number of workers increased significantly with increasing wealth (poor: 2.0; well off:2.5; rich: 3.4). Overall, 69 female labourers were recorded, making up 16.8% of employed workers and one fourth of the HH’s own labourers. Apparently, their only duty was to clean the animals´ living areas; only one of them was also watering and showering the animals. Poor HH relied more on female workers than the other two groups: 27.1% of the workers of poor HH were women, but only 14.8% and 6.8% of the labour force of well off and rich HH were female. Two thirds (70%) of the HH sold milk to dhodis (middlemen) and one third (35%) to neighbours; three HH (2%) did doorstep delivery and one HH (1%) had its own shop. The 91 HH keeping both species usually sold mixed milk (97%). Clients for mixed and pure buffalo milk were dhodis (78%, respectively 59%) and neighbours (28%, respectively 47%). The highest milk prices per liter (Pakistani Rupees, 100 PKR @ 0.8 Euro) were paid by alternative clients (44 PKR; 4 HH), followed by neighbours (40 PKR, 50 HH); dhodis paid lower prices (36 PKR, 99 HH). Prices for pure buffalo and mixed milk did not differ significantly. However, HH obtaining the maximum price from the respective clients for the respective type of milk got between 20% (mixed milk, alternative clients) and 68% (mixed milk, dhodi) more than HH fetching the minimum price. Some HH (19%) reported 7% higher prices for the current summer than the preceding winter. Amount of milk sold and distance from the HH to the city center did not influence milk prices. Respondents usually named problems that directly affected their income and that were directly and constantly visible to them, such as high costs, little space and fodder shortages. Other constraints that are only influencing their income indirectly, e.g. the relatively low genetic potential of their animals due to neglected breeding as well as the short- and long-term health problems correlated with imbalanced feeding and insufficient health care, were rarely named. The same accounts for problems accompanying improper dung management (storage, disposal, burning instead of recycling) for the environment and human health. Most of the named problems are linked to each other and should be addressed within the context of the entire system. Therefore, further research should focus on systematic investigations and improvement options, taking a holistic and interdisciplinary approach instead of only working in single fields. Concerted efforts of dairy farmers, researchers, NGOs and political decision makers are necessary to create an economic, ecological and social framework that allows dairy production to serve the entire society. For this, different improvement options should be tested in terms of their impact on environment and income of the farmers, as well as feasibility and sustainability in the peri-urban zones of Faisalabad.

Work and economic security in the 21st century

In recent decades there has been a transformation of two central concepts of modernity – labour and the household. Ela Bhatt – the founder of the Self-Employed Women’s Association of India (SEWA), has made an important contribution to this transformation. Through the emergence of unions such as SEWA, the notion of who represents labour is being broadened; the marginalised are finding an institutional voice. Increasingly, the household is being recognised as a site of both production and reproduction. SEWA is not a traditional trade union that aims, through collective bargaining with an employer, to improve its members’ wages and working conditions as sellers of their labour power. Instead, it aims to empower women economically in the informal economy by bringing them into the mainstream economy as owners of their labour. The union dimension of SEWA builds their collective power through struggle; the cooperative dimension translates their bargaining power into the economic and social development of its members and their community. Besides, Bhatt’s approach to the self-employed was a direct challenge to the ILO’s tripartism when it was established in the early seventies. The first part of the paper provides a short biography of Ela Bhatt, describes the origins of SEWA, analyses a ‘classification struggle’ over how and who is to define what a worker is. In the second part the author considers SEWAs innovative organizing strategy and is rethinking modernity in the labour context. In the conclusion the paper discusses the lessons that can be learnt from Ela Bhatt.

Decent work?

Pastoralism and ranching are two different rangeland-based livestock systems in dryland areas of East Africa. Both usually operate under low and irregular rainfall and consequently low overall primary biomass production of high spatial and temporal heterogeneity. Both are usually located far from town centres, market outlets and communication, medical, educational, banking, insurance and other infrastructure. Whereas pastoralists can be regarded as self-employed, gaining their livelihood from managing their individually owned livestock on communal land, ranches mostly employ herders as wage labourers to manage the livestock owned by the ranch on the ranches’ own land property. Both production systems can be similarly labour intensive and – with regard to the livestock management – require the same type of work, whether carried out as self-employed pastoralist or as employed herder on a work contract. Given this similarity, the aim of this study was to comparatively assess how pastoralists and employed herders in northern Kenya view their working conditions, and which criteria they use to assess hardship and rewards in their daily work and their working life. Their own perception is compared with the concept of Decent Work developed by the International Labour Organisation (ILO). Samburu pastoralists in Marsabit and Samburu Districts as well as herders on ranches in Laikipia District were interviewed. A qualitative analysis of 47 semi-structured interviews yielded information about daily activities, income, free time, education and social security. Five out of 22 open interviews with pastoralists and seven out of 13 open interviews with employed herders fully transcribed and subjected to qualitative content analysis to yield life stories of 12 informants. Pastoralists consider it important to have healthy and satisfied animals. The ability to provide food for their family especially for the children has a high priority. Hardships for the pastoralists are, if activities are exhausting, and challenging, and dangerous. For employed herders, decent conditions are if their wages are high enough to be able to provide food for their family and formal education for their children. It is further most important for them to do work they are experienced and skilled in. Most employed herders were former pastoralists, who had lost their animals due to drought or raids. There are parallels between the ILO ‘Decent Work’ concept and the perception of working conditions of pastoralists and employed herders. These are, for example, that remuneration is of importance and the appreciation by either the employer or the community is desired. Some aspects that are seen as important by the ILO such as safety at work and healthy working conditions only play a secondary role to the pastoralists, who see risky and dangerous tasks as inherent characteristics of their efforts to gain a livelihood in their living environment.

Social Inequality and Social Policy outside the OECD

Almost all Latin American countries are still marked by extreme forms of social inequality – and to an extent, this seems to be the case regardless of national differences in the economic development model or the strength of democracy and the welfare state. Recent research highlights the fact that the heterogeneous labour markets in the region are a key source of inequality. At the same time, there is a strengthening of ‘exclusive’ social policy, which is located at the fault lines of the labour market and is constantly (re-)producing market-mediated disparities. In the last three decades, this type of social policy has even enjoyed democratic legitimacy. These dynamics challenge many of the assumptions guiding social policy and democratic theory, which often attempt to account for the specificities of the region by highlighting the purported flaws of certain policies. We suggest taking a different perspective: social policy in Latin American should not be grasped as a deficient or flawed type of social policy, but as a very successful relation of political domination. ‘Relational social analysis’ locates social policy in the ‘tension zone’ constituted by the requirements of economic reproduction, demands for democratic legitimacy and the relative autonomy of the state. From this vantage point, we will make the relation of domination in question accessible for empirical research. It seems particularly useful for this purpose to examine the recent shifts in the Latin American labour markets, which have undergone numerous reforms. We will examine which mechanisms, institutions and constellations of actors block or activate the potentials of redistribution inherent in such processes of political reform. This will enable us to explore the socio-political field of forces that has been perpetuating the social inequalities in Latin America for generations.

Core Labor Rights

The working paper’s main objective is to explore the extent to which non-compliance to international labor rights is caused by global competition. From the perspective of institutional economics, compliance with core labor rights is beneficial for sustainable development. Nonetheless, violations of these rights occur on a massive scale. The violators usually blame competitive pressures. A number of studies have come to the conclusion that non-compliance does not provide for a competitive edge, thereby denying any economic rationale for non-compliance. While we sympathize with this conclusion, we find that these studies suffer from faulty assumptions in the design of their regression analyses. The assumption of perfect markets devoid of power relations is particularly unrealistic. While workers' rights promise long-term benefits, they may incur short-term production cost increases. On the supply side, the production sites with the highest amount of labor rights violations are characterized by a near perfect competitive situation. The demand side, however, is dominated by an oligopoly of brand name companies and large retailers. Facing a large pool of suppliers, these companies enjoy more bargaining power. Developing countries, the hosts to most of these suppliers, are therefore limited in their ability to raise labor standards on their own. This competitive situation, however, is the very reason why labor rights have to be negotiated internationally. Our exploration starts with an outline of the institutionalist argument of the benefits of core labor rights. Second, we briefly examine some cross-country empirical studies on the impact of trade liberalization (as a proxy for competitive pressures). Third, we develop our own argument which differentiates the impact of trade liberalization along the axes of labor- and capital-intensive production as well as low and medium skill production. Finally, we present evidence from a study on the impact of trade liberalization in Indonesia on the garment industry as an example of a low skill, laborintensive industry on the one hand, and the automobile as an example for a medium skill, capital-intensive industry on the other hand. Because the garment industry’s workforce consists mainly of women, we also discuss the gender dimension of trade liberalization.

From evolution to co-evolution – An empirical study of the role of innovation, policy and public research in industrial dynamics

In the past decades since Schumpeter’s influential writings economists have pursued research to examine the role of innovation in certain industries on firm as well as on industry level. Researchers describe innovations as the main trigger of industry dynamics, while policy makers argue that research and education are directly linked to economic growth and welfare. Thus, research and education are an important objective of public policy. Firms and public research are regarded as the main actors which are relevant for the creation of new knowledge. This knowledge is finally brought to the market through innovations. What is more, policy makers support innovations. Both actors, i.e. policy makers and researchers, agree that innovation plays a central role but researchers still neglect the role that public policy plays in the field of industrial dynamics. Therefore, the main objective of this work is to learn more about the interdependencies of innovation, policy and public research in industrial dynamics. The overarching research question of this dissertation asks whether it is possible to analyze patterns of industry evolution – from evolution to co-evolution – based on empirical studies of the role of innovation, policy and public research in industrial dynamics. This work starts with a hypothesis-based investigation of traditional approaches of industrial dynamics. Namely, the testing of a basic assumption of the core models of industrial dynamics and the analysis of the evolutionary patterns – though with an industry which is driven by public policy as example. Subsequently it moves to a more explorative approach, investigating co-evolutionary processes. The underlying questions of the research include the following: Do large firms have an advantage because of their size which is attributable to cost spreading? Do firms that plan to grow have more innovations? What role does public policy play for the evolutionary patterns of an industry? Are the same evolutionary patterns observable as those described in the ILC theories? And is it possible to observe regional co-evolutionary processes of science, innovation and industry evolution? Based on two different empirical contexts – namely the laser and the photovoltaic industry – this dissertation tries to answer these questions and combines an evolutionary approach with a co-evolutionary approach. The first chapter starts with an introduction of the topic and the fields this dissertation is based on. The second chapter provides a new test of the Cohen and Klepper (1996) model of cost spreading, which explains the relationship between innovation, firm size and R&D, at the example of the photovoltaic industry in Germany. First, it is analyzed whether the cost spreading mechanism serves as an explanation for size advantages in this industry. This is related to the assumption that the incentives to invest in R&D increase with the ex-ante output. Furthermore, it is investigated whether firms that plan to grow will have more innovative activities. The results indicate that cost spreading serves as an explanation for size advantages in this industry and, furthermore, growth plans lead to higher amount of innovative activities. What is more, the role public policy plays for industry evolution is not finally analyzed in the field of industrial dynamics. In the case of Germany, the introduction of demand inducing policy instruments stimulated market and industry growth. While this policy immediately accelerated market volume, the effect on industry evolution is more ambiguous. Thus, chapter three analyzes this relationship by considering a model of industry evolution, where demand-inducing policies will be discussed as a possible trigger of development. The findings suggest that these instruments can take the same effect as a technical advance to foster the growth of an industry and its shakeout. The fourth chapter explores the regional co-evolution of firm population size, private-sector patenting and public research in the empirical context of German laser research and manufacturing over more than 40 years from the emergence of the industry to the mid-2000s. The qualitative as well as quantitative evidence is suggestive of a co-evolutionary process of mutual interdependence rather than a unidirectional effect of public research on private-sector activities. Chapter five concludes with a summary, the contribution of this work as well as the implications and an outlook of further possible research.