Between pragmatism and the defence of a “Sister State” : the national association for the advancement of colored people and the U.S. occupation of Haiti, 1915-1922

À l’origine, la nouvelle concernant l’occupation américaine d’Haïti en 1915 a suscité peu d’indignation aux États-Unis. En effet, on reproche à la république son instabilité politique et on juge aussi qu’une intervention américaine concourrait à l’édifice de l’autorité de la loi. À partir de 1915 et surtout en 1920, l’Association nationale pour l’avancement des gens de couleur (NAACP), fondée en 1909, critique cette ingérence et milite pour y voir un terme. W.E. B. Du Bois et James Weldon Johnson, deux figures publiques noires importantes travaillant au sein de l’organisation, dénoncent avec conviction l’occupation d’Haïti. Les historiens ont jusqu’ici jugé que la NAACP fut inspirée par des considérations de solidarité raciale en adhérant à la cause de la souveraineté haïtienne. Si la thèse présente ne réfute pas cette possibilité, elle cherche tout de même à démontrer que le cadre conceptuel de la solidarité raciale ne saurait illustrer toute la complexité de la campagne haïtienne érigée par la NAACP. Par conséquent, une attention dirigée davantage sur le contexte social et politique américain entre 1915 et 1922 révèle que pour la NAACP, la dénonciation de l’occupation américaine d’Haïti représentait d’une part une opportunité de discuter des problèmes sociaux touchant les Afro-Américains, et d’autre part, une occasion de renforcer sa position aux États-Unis.

Pelvic-floor-muscle-training adherence “modifiers” : a review of primary qualitative studies : 2011 ICS State-of-the-Science Seminar research paper III of IV

Aims This review aims to locate and summarize the findings of qualitative studies exploring the experience of and adherence to pelvic floor muscle training (PFMT) to recommend future directions for practice and research. Methods Primary qualitative studies were identified through a conventional subject search of electronic databases, reference-list checking, and expert contact. A core eligibility criterion was the inclusion of verbatim quotes from participants about PFMT experiences. Details of study aims, methods, and participants were extracted and tabulated. Data were inductively grouped into categories describing “modifiers” of adherence (verified by a second author) and systematically displayed with supporting illustrative quotes. Results Thirteen studies (14 study reports) were included; eight recruited only or predominantly women with urinary incontinence, three recruited postnatal women, and two included women with pelvic organ prolapse. The quality of methodological reporting varied. Six “modifiers” of adherence were described: knowledge; physical skill; feelings about PFMT; cognitive analysis, planning, and attention; prioritization; and service provision. Conclusions Individuals' experience substantial difficulties with capability (particularly knowledge and skills), motivation (especially associated with the considerable cognitive demands of PFMT), and opportunity (as external factors generate competing priorities) when adopting and maintaining a PFMT program. Expert consensus was that judicious selection and deliberate application of appropriate behavior change strategies directed to the “modifiers” of adherence identified in the review may improve PFMT outcomes. Future research is needed to explore whether the review findings are congruent with the PFMT experiences of antenatal women, men, and adults with fecal incontinence.

Reforming the Division of Powers in Canada : An (Un)achievable Endeavour?

Formal amendments to the division of powers provisions of Canada's 1867 federal constitution have always proved difficult to achieve. However, since 1982, this task has become hopelessly unachievable. Modifications to, and adaptation of, the division of power has consequently been left to judges called upon to interpret sections 91 to 95 of the Constitution Act, 1867, and to executives officers of the central and regional governments as they negotiate intergovernmental agreements. The end result of theses two processes has been highly favourable to the central government. Courts have given a liberal interpretation to the central government's exclusive fields of jurisdiction. Moreover, the latter's spending power, unobstructed by the fragile legal framwork imposed under interprovincial agreements, has enabled it to encroach upon the exclusive heads of power of the provinces. As we will see, one of the main reason behind the Canadian constitutional stalemate, and for the recurrent isolation of Quebec - even where informal modification are concerned - is the different conceptions of Canadian federalism respectively held by Quebecers and by English Canadian.