11 resultados para Fraude electoral

em Université de Montréal, Canada


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Rapport de recherche

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"Mémoire présenté à la faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de Maîtrise en droit des affaires (LL.M)"

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"Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des études supérieures En vue de l'obtention du grade de maîtrise en droit"

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Rapport de stage présenté à la Faculté des arts et sciences en vue de l'obtention du grade de Maîtrise ès sciences (M. Sc.) en criminologie.

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Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

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Dans l’espace réel, l’identité d’une personne est clairement circonscrite à l’état civil et pleinement protégée par le droit interne des pays. Alors que dans le cyberespace, les contours de la notion sont plutôt flous, voire incertains. Le développement du commerce électronique et la croissance des transactions en ligne ont donné naissance au « crime » de l’usurpation d’identité. Et si l’usurpation d’identité a pu émerger, c’est grâce à la spécificité du médium, qui s’est avéré un terrain fertile aux abus des usurpateurs d’identité. Ce présent article étudie et analyse la fraude, le vol et l’escroquerie en tant qu’infractions économiques commises dans le cyberespace par le biais du système informatique. Il constate la désuétude et l’inefficacité des infractions prévues dans le droit pénal canadien relativement à l’incrimination du crime de l’usurpation d’identité et propose une solution basée sur des approches réglementaires, législatives et techniques.

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While party membership figures are clearly in decline in several Western countries, different interpretations have been offered on the likely consequences of this trend. Some authors stress that members have lost most of their importance for political parties that increasingly rely on professionalized campaign techniques. Other scholars have expressed concern about the decline of party membership. They emphasize the fact that party members continue to function as an important linkage mechanism providing a structural alignment between the party and society (and thus also to potential voters). By means of an election forecasting model for Belgium, we test whether party membership figures still can be related to election results. Results show that party membership has a strong effect on election results, and furthermore, that this relation does not weaken during the period under investigation (1981-2010). The analysis also demonstrates that forecasting models can also be used in a complex multiparty system like Belgium.

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In this article we investigate voter volatility and analyze the causes and motives of switching vote intentions. We test two main sets of variables linked to volatility in literature; political sophistication and ‘political (dis)satisfaction’. Results show that voters with low levels of political efficacy tend to switch more often, both within a campaign and between elections. In the analysis we differentiate between campaign volatility and inter-election volatility and by doing so show that the dynamics of a campaign have a profound impact on volatility. The campaign period is when the lowly sophisticated switch their vote intention. Those with higher levels of interest in politics have switched their intention before the campaign has started. The data for this analysis are from the three wave PartiRep Belgian Election Study (2009).

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An abundance of comparative survey research argues the presence of economic voting as an individual force in European elections, thereby refuting a possible ecological fallacy. But the hypothesis of economic voting at the aggregate level, with macroeconomics influencing overall electoral outcomes, seems less sure. Indeed, there might be a micrological fallacy at work, with the supposed individual economic vote effect not adding up to a national electoral effect after all. Certainly that would account for the spotty evidence linking macroeconomics and national election outcomes. We examine the possibility of a micrological fallacy through rigorous analysis of a large time-series cross-sectional dataset of European nations. From these results, it becomes clear that the macroeconomy strongly moves national election outcomes, with hard times punishing governing parties, and good times rewarding them. Further, this economy-election connection appears asymmetric, altering under economic crisis. Indeed, we show that economic crisis, defined as negative growth, has much greater electoral effects than positive economic growth. Hard times clearly make governments more accountable to their electorates.