759 resultados para Éthique civique


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This paper is based on case study research conducted in an economically depressed, immigrant gateway neighborhood of Escondido, California. This study has been in progress since 2005 and involves working with children at the local middle school on rights-based community environmental action research projects in coordination with student facilitators in an upper-division university class titled “Children and the Environment.” This case study has suggested inquiry into the practical ethical dimensions of working with children, administrators, and university students on action research. Examples of the ethical questions which arose during this study include: how can continuity for the middle school children be achieved as different groups of university stu- dents move in and out of the project as they take and finish the “Children and the Environment” class, and is it ethical for the middle school children’s work to be facilitated by university stu- dents only freshly trained in the action research technique? This paper explores these and other ethical questions involving power, coercion, tension over expectations, and obligation and provides direction for on-going ethical questions scholars should pursue in involving children in rights-based community environmental action research.

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Despite the growing popularity of participatory video as a tool for facilitating youth empowerment, the methodology and impacts of the practice are extremely understudied. This paper describes a study design created to examine youth media methodology and the ethical dilemmas that arose in its attempted implementation. Specifically, elements that added “rigor” to the study (i.e., randomization, pre- and post-measures, and an intensive interview) conflicted with the fundamental tenets of youth participation. The paper concludes with suggestions for studying participatory media methodologies that are more in line with an ethics of participation.

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Cet article explore sous l’angle éthique les attentes, surprises et déceptions vécues par les étudiants inscrits à un atelier de design participatif avec des jeunes de 10-14 ans. Cette expérience, inscrite dans le programme Growing up in Cities, devait aboutir à des résultats de recherche et des projets d’aménagement réalistes en impliquant les jeunes comme collaborateurs dans la conception. Face à ces objectifs ambitieux, le bilan pour les jeunes est mitigé sur le plan des retombées et du caractère égalitaire des rapports. En revanche, on se rend compte que les étudiants ont cherché diverses manières de traiter les jeunes comme des personnes intelligentes, sensibles et autonomes. Cet article propose quelques pistes pour éclairer les choix en termes de démarche de participation.

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This paper challenges the assumption that youth and youth agencies are in a condition of equality when entering a participatory action research (PAR). By asserting that it is not a state of equality that practitioners nor youth should assume nor be immediately striving for, but a consistently equitable process, this article draws from and reflects on the relationship between young people and researchers who have used a PAR methodology in action oriented projects. Using the UNESCO Growing up in Cities Canada project as a case example, this review extrapolates from and reflects on challenges faced by the project as a whole. Using semi-structured interviews to explore the roles of adults and youth, a number of strategies are highlighted as the techniques used to overcome these challenges. The discussion concludes with further reflection on the complexities of equality and equity, recommending a number of actions that have the potential to create an equitable environment in PAR projects similar to the one examined.

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his paper explores how participation and sustainability are being addressed by architects within the Building Schools for the Future (BSF) programme in the UK. The intentions promoted by the programme are certainly ambitious, but the ways to fulfil these aims are ill-explored. Simply focusing on providing innovative learning technologies, or indeed teaching young people about physical sustainability features in buildings, will not necessarily teach them the skills they will need to respond to the environmental and social challenges of a rapidly changing world. However, anticipating those skills is one of the most problematic issues of the programme. The involvement of young people in the design of schools is used to suggest empowerment, place-making and to promote social cohesion but this is set against government design literature which advocates for exemplars, standard layouts and best practice, all leading to forms of standardisation. The potentials for tokenistic student involvement and conflict with policy aims are evident. This paper explores two issues: how to foster in young people an ethic towards future generations, and the role of co-design practices in this process. Michael Oakeshott calls teaching the conversation of mankind. In this paper, I look at the philosophy of Hannah Arendt, Emmanuel Levinas, Maurice Merleau-Ponty and Luce Irigaray to argue that investigating the ethical dilemmas of the programme through critical dialogue with students offers an approach to meeting government objectives, building sustainable schools, and fostering sustainable citizenship.

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This study focuses on the engagement of children and youth in their communities and the ways they are included in and excluded from community life. Using a content analysis of a small town United States newspaper over a one-year period, examples of engagement were identified and classified into 12 categories: programs, clubs and special events; fundraising and community service; business and community support; participation in community events; school events; athletic and other performances; employment; involvement in local planning and decision making; serving as a community representative; visibility and recognition; criminal activity and accidents; and use of public space. Examples of community exclusion were identified as well. Young people were engaged primarily through activities that were adult-directed or supervised, or organized through schools, churches, and youth clubs. There was little involvement in local planning, decision making, or activism. Some evidence existed of peer teaching, leadership, and self-initiated activities, as well as intentional efforts by adults to give youth a greater voice in community activities. Implications include several ethical issues regarding the role of young people in community life, particularly young children, and the need for greater awareness on the part of communities of the contributions young people can make.

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Cette thèse étudie certains des facteurs liés au développement de l'intérêt pour la politique chez les adolescents à l'aide de trois articles. J'utilise des données provenant d'une enquête par questionnaires, conduite durant trois ans auprès de jeunes Montréalais étudiant au secondaire. Le premier article examine le rôle du réseau social (parents, amis et enseignants) dans le développement de l'intérêt. Je démontre que les parents qui discutent souvent de politique sont plus susceptibles d'avoir des enfants intéressés par la politique et dont l'intérêt se développera. Cependant, le rôle des autres agents de socialisation ne devrait pas être sous-estimé. Les amis ont souvent un effet similaire aux parents lorsqu'il s'agit du changement dans l'intérêt, et les résultats suggèrent que les enseignants, à travers certains cours comme ceux d'histoire, peuvent jouer un rôle civique important. Le deuxième article aborde la question de la causalité entre l'intérêt politique et trois attitudes: le cynisme, l'attachement partisan et le sens du devoir. Il s'agit de voir quel effet la présence de ces attitudes chez les adolescents a sur le développement de leur intérêt politique, et inversement, si l'intérêt a un effet sur le changement dans ces attitudes. Je démontre qu'il existe une relation de réciprocité entre l'intérêt et le cynisme, de même qu'entre l'intérêt et le sens du devoir. Cependant, dans le cas de l'attachement partisan, l'effet est unidirectionnel: le fait d'aimer un parti n'est pas lié à la présence d'intérêt ou de désintérêt politique, alors que cette attitude influence le développement de l'intérêt pour la politique. Le troisième article aborde la question du développement de l'intérêt à l'aide d'entrevues. Treize jeunes ayant répondu aux trois vagues de l'enquête par questionnaires ont été rencontrés et leurs commentaires permettent de répondre à trois questions de recherche: les jeunes ont-ils une image négative de la politique? Les jeunes fuient-ils la controverse? Leurs amis occupent-ils une place prépondérante dans le développement de leur intérêt? Ces jeunes expriment une opinion très nuancée de la politique, de même qu'un goût pour les débats et autres images concrètes de la politique. Par contre, leur intérêt ne se reflète pas dans un engagement soutenu. Enfin, leurs parents sont plus importants que leurs amis lorsqu'il s'agit du développement de leur intérêt pour la politique.

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In this paper I criticize Alison Jaggar’s descriptions of feminist political theories. I propose an alternative classification of feminist theories that I think more accurately reflects the multiplication of feminist theories and philosophies. There are two main categories, “street theory” and academic theories, each with two sub-divisions, political spectrum and “differences” under street theory, and directly and indirectly political analyses under academic theories. My view explains why there are no radical feminists outside of North America and why there are so few socialist feminists inside North America. I argue, controversially, that radical feminism is a radical version of liberalism. I argue that “difference” feminist theories – theory by and about feminists of colour, queer feminists, feminists with disabilities and so on – belong in a separate sub-category of street theory, because they’ve had profound effects on feminist activism not tracked by traditional left-to-right classifications. Finally, I argue that, while academic feminist theories such as feminist existentialism or feminist sociological theory are generally unconnected to movement activism, they provide important feminist insights that may become importanby showing the advantages of my classification over Jaggar’s views.

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In this paper, I argue that intersectionality, the prevailing way of conceptualizing the relation between axes or systems of oppression (race, class, gender), illicitly imports the very model it purports to overcome: that is, the unitary model of identity. I first define “intersectionality” and distinguish between three senses that are frequently conflated. Then I subject the model to an analytic critique, revealing its hidden presuppositions about identity. Finally, I suggest that solidarity serves as a better norm for feminist practice than inclusion of “difference,” which seems to be the norm underlying many intersectional accounts.

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Cet article étudie deux contextes français dans lesquels les voiles musulmans sont devenus hypervisibles: le débat public qui a mené à la loi française de 2004 interdisant les signes religieux ostensibles dans les écoles publiques, et le projet colonial français de dévoiler les femmes algériennes. Je montre comment le concept de « l’oppression de genre » s’est naturalisé au voile musulman d’une telle manière qu’il justifie les normes de féminités occidentales et cache le mécanisme par lequel les femmes musulmanes sont racialisées. C’est ainsi que le voile devient le point de mire d’un racisme culturel qui se présente comme libérant les femmes musulmanes, un racisme qui semble poser un dilemme au féminisme.

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La croissance de la population vieillissante en Amérique du Nord a un impact significatif sur nos politiques sociales. Ainsi, l’État québécois met à la disposition des personnes âgées une aide afin de faciliter le maintien à domicile. Qui a maintenant la responsabilité de répondre aux besoins des personnes âgées; est-ce la famille ou l’État? Si la réponse peut nous aider à formuler des politiques sociales équitables, elle nous pousse aussi à repenser le lien social à la lumière de la dépendance. Dans un premier temps nous nous pencherons sur l’évolution de l’éthique de la sollicitude pour ensuite analyser les apports des études sur la production du handicap. Puisque la problématique de la dépendance s’avère cruciale dans ce débat, les écrits de deux théoriciens français, Albert Memmi et Bernard Ennuyer, nous aideront à élucider la question de la dépendance. Nous verrons par la suite comment ces divers apports peuvent nous amener à reconceptualiser le lien social.

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Although some are excited about the possibility of using current scientific research into the biological causes of sexual orientation to ground rights claims, I argue that basing rights claims on this research is unwise because this research, specifically the hormonal, genetic, and structural research, is organized around the inversion assumption, a conceptual scheme within which some aspect of the biology of gay men and lesbians is thought to be inverted along sex lines.While there are many reasons to worry about the use of the inversion assumption, I focus on problems that arise from a further set of claims that must be assumed in order to make the use of the inversion assumption coherent. This further set of assumptions includes the claims (1) that heterosexuality is the standard state and that (2) this standard state is sexually-dimorphic and (3) deterministic. I argue that this set of assumptions is problematic because it results in ideological consequences that are both sexist and heterosexist.

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I argue that it is time for many feminists to rethink their attitudes towards evolutionary biology, not because feminists have been wrong to be deeply sceptical about many of its claims, both explicit and implicit, but because biology itself has changed. A new appreciation for the importance of development in biology has become mainstream and a new ontology, associated with developmental systems theory (DST), has been introduced over the last two decades. This turn challenges some of the features of evolutionary biology that have most troubled feminists. DST undermines the idea of biologicales sence and challenges both nature /nurture and nature/culture distinctions. Freed from these conceptual constraints, evolutionary biology no longer poses the problems that have justified feminist scepticism. Indeed, feminists have already found useful applications for DST and I argue that they should expand their use of DST to support more radical and wide-ranging political theories.

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The traditional role of justice is to arbitrate where the good will of people is not enough, if even present, to settle a dispute between the concerned parties. It is a procedural approach that assumes a fractured relationship between those involved. Recognition, at first glance, would not seem to mirror these aspects of justice. Yet recognition is very much a subject of justice these days. The aim of this paper is to question the applicability of justice to the practice of recognition. The methodological orientation of this paper is a Kantian-style critique of the institution of justice, highlighting the limits of its reach and the dangers of overextension. The critique unfolds in the following three steps: 1) There is an immediate appeal to justice as a practice of recognition through its commitment to universality. This allure is shown to be deceptive in providing no prescription for the actual practice of this universality. 2) The interventionist character of justice is designed to address divided relationships. If recognition is only given expression through this channel, then we can only assume division as our starting ground. 3) The outcome of justice in respect to recognition is identification. This identification is left vulnerable to misrecognition itself, creating a cycle of injustice that demands recognition from anew. It seems to be well accepted that recognition is essentjustice, but less clear how to do justice to recognition. This paper is an effort in clarification.