17 resultados para written argument

em Brock University, Canada


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It is our intention in the course of the development of this thesis to give an account of how intersubjectivity is "eidetically" constituted by means of the application of the phenomenological reduction to our experience in the context of the thought of Edmund Husserl; contrasted with various representative thinkers in what H. Spiegelberg refers to as "the wider scene" of phenomenology. That is to say, we intend to show those structures of both consciousness and the relation which man has to the world which present themselves as the generic conditions for the possibility of overcoming our "radical sol itude" in order that we may gain access to the mental 1 ife of an Other as other human subject. It is clear that in order for us to give expression to these accounts in a coherent manner, along with their relative merits, it will be necessary to develop the common features of any phenomenological theory of consdousness whatever. Therefore, our preliminary inquiry, subordinate to the larger theme, shall be into some of the epistemological results of the application of the phenomenological method used to develop a transcendental theory of consciousness. Inherent in this will be the deliniation of the exigency for making this an lIintentional ll theory. We will then be able to see how itis possible to overcome transcendentally the Other as an object merely given among other merely given objects, and further, how this other is constituted specifically as other ego. The problem of transcendental intersubjectivity and its constitution in experience can be viewed as one of the most compelling, if not the most polemical of issues in phenomenology. To be sure, right from the beginning we are forced to ask a number of questions regarding Husserl's responses to the problem within the context of the methodological genesis of the Cartesian Meditations, and The Crisis of European Sciences and Transcendental Phenomenology. This we do in order to set the stage for amplification. First, we ask, has Husserl lived up to his goal, in this connexion, of an apodictic result? We recall that in his Logos article of 1911 he adminished that previous philosophy does not have at its disposal a merely incomplete and, in particular instances, imperfect doctrinal system; it simply has none whatever. Each and every question is herein controverted, each position is a matter of individual conviction, of the interpretation given byaschool, of a "point of view". 1. Moreover in the same article he writes that his goal is a philosophical system of doctrine that, after the gigantic preparatory work. of generations, really be- . gins from the ground up with a foundation free from doubt and rises up like any skilful construction, wherein stone is set upon store, each as solid as the other, in accord with directive insights. 2. Reflecting upon the fact that he foresaw "preparatory work of generations", we perhaps should not expect that he would claim that his was the last word on the matter of intersubjectivity. Indeed, with 2. 'Edmund Husserl, lIPhilosophy as a Rigorous Science" in Phenomenology and theCrisis6fPhilosophy, trans". with an introduction by Quentin Lauer (New York.: Harper & Row, 1965) pp. 74 .. 5. 2Ibid . pp. 75 .. 6. 3. the relatively small amount of published material by Husserl on the subject we can assume that he himself was not entirely satisfied with his solution. The second question we have is that if the transcendental reduction is to yield the generic and apodictic structures of the relationship of consciousness to its various possible objects, how far can we extend this particular constitutive synthetic function to intersubjectivity where the objects must of necessity always remain delitescent? To be sure, the type of 'object' here to be considered is unlike any other which might appear in the perceptual field. What kind of indubitable evidence will convince us that the characteristic which we label "alter-ego" and which we attribute to an object which appears to resemble another body which we have never, and can never see the whole of (namely, our own bodies), is nothing more than a cleverly contrived automaton? What;s the nature of this peculiar intentional function which enables us to say "you think just as I do"? If phenomenology is to take such great pains to reduce the takenfor- granted, lived, everyday world to an immanent world of pure presentation, we must ask the mode of presentation for transcendent sub .. jectivities. And in the end, we must ask if Husserl's argument is not reducible to a case (however special) of reasoning by analogy, and if so, tf this type of reasoning is not so removed from that from whtch the analogy is made that it would render all transcendental intersubjective understandtng impos'sible? 2. HistoticalandEidetic Priority: The Necessity of Abstraction 4. The problem is not a simple one. What is being sought are the conditions for the poss ibili:ty of experi encing other subjects. More precisely, the question of the possibility of intersubjectivity is the question of the essence of intersubjectivity. What we are seeking is the absolute route from one solitude to another. Inherent in this programme is the ultimate discovery of the meaning of community. That this route needs be lIabstract" requires some explanation. It requires little explanation that we agree with Husserl in the aim of fixing the goal of philosophy on apodictic, unquestionable results. This means that we seek a philosophical approach which is, though, not necessarily free from assumptions, one which examines and makes explicit all assumptions in a thorough manner. It would be helpful at this point to distinguish between lIeidetic ll priority, and JlhistoricallJpriority in order to shed some light on the value, in this context, of an abstraction.3 It is true that intersubjectivity is mundanely an accomplished fact, there havi.ng been so many mi.llions of years for humans to beIt eve in the exi s tence of one another I s abili ty to think as they do. But what we seek is not to study how this proceeded historically, but 3Cf• Maurice Natanson;·TheJburne in 'Self, a Stud in Philoso h and Social Role (Santa Cruz, U. of California Press, 1970 . rather the logical, nay, "psychological" conditions under which this is possible at all. It is therefore irrelevant to the exigesis of this monograph whether or not anyone should shrug his shoulders and mumble IIwhy worry about it, it is always already engaged". By way of an explanation of the value of logical priority, we can find an analogy in the case of language. Certainly the language 5. in a spoken or written form predates the formulation of the appropriate grammar. However, this grammar has a logical priority insofar as it lays out the conditions from which that language exhibits coherence. The act of formulating the grammar is a case of abstraction. The abstraction towards the discovery of the conditions for the poss; bi 1 ity of any experiencing whatever, for which intersubjective experience is a definite case, manifests itself as a sort of "grammar". This "grammar" is like the basic grammar of a language in the sense that these "rulesil are the ~ priori conditions for the possibility of that experience. There is, we shall say, an "eidetic priority", or a generic condition which is the logical antecedent to the taken-forgranted object of experience. In the case of intersubjectivity we readily grant that one may mundanely be aware of fellow-men as fellowmen, but in order to discover how that awareness is possible it is necessary to abstract from the mundane, believed-in experience. This process of abstraction is the paramount issue; the first step, in the search for an apodictic basis for social relations. How then is this abstraction to be accomplished? What is the nature of an abstraction which would permit us an Archimedean point, absolutely grounded, from which we may proceed? The answer can be discovered in an examination of Descartes in the light of Husserl's criticism. 3. The Impulse for Scientific Philosophy. The Method to which it Gives Rise. 6. Foremost in our inquiry is the discovery of a method appropriate to the discovery of our grounding point. For the purposes of our investigations, i.e., that of attempting to give a phenomenological view of the problem of intersubjectivity, it would appear to be of cardinal importance to trace the attempt of philosophy predating Husserl, particularly in the philosophy of Descartes, at founding a truly IIscientific ll philosophy. Paramount in this connexion would be the impulse in the Modern period, as the result of more or less recent discoveries in the natural sciences, to found philosophy upon scientific and mathematical principles. This impulse was intended to culminate in an all-encompassing knowledge which might extend to every realm of possible thought, viz., the universal science ot IIMathexis Universalis ll •4 This was a central issue for Descartes, whose conception of a universal science would include all the possible sciences of man. This inclination towards a science upon which all other sciences might be based waS not to be belittled by Husserl, who would appropriate 4This term, according to Jacab Klein, was first used by Barocius, the translator of Proclus into Latin, to designate the highest mathematical discipline. . 7. it himself in hopes of establishing, for the very first time, philosophy as a "rigorous science". It bears emphasizing that this in fact was the drive for the hardening of the foundations of philosophy, the link between the philosophical projects of Husserl and those of the philosophers of the modern period. Indeed, Husserl owes Descartes quite a debt for indicating the starting place from which to attempt a radical, presupositionless, and therefore scientific philosophy, in order not to begin philosophy anew, but rather for the first time.5 The aim of philosophy for Husserl is the search for apodictic, radical certitude. However while he attempted to locate in experience the type of necessity which is found in mathematics, he wished this necessity to be a function of our life in the world, as opposed to the definition and postulation of an axiomatic method as might be found in the unexpurgated attempts to found philosophy in Descartes. Beyond the necessity which is involved in experiencing the world, Husserl was searching for the certainty of roots, of the conditi'ons which underl ie experience and render it pOssible. Descartes believed that hi~ MeditatiOns had uncovered an absolute ground for knowledge, one founded upon the ineluctable givenness of thinking which is present even when one doubts thinking. Husserl, in acknowledging this procedure is certainly Cartesian, but moves, despite this debt to Descartes, far beyond Cartesian philosophy i.n his phenomenology (and in many respects, closer to home). 5Cf. Husserl, Philosophy as a Rigorous Science, pp. 74ff. 8 But wherein lies this Cartesian jumping off point by which we may vivify our theme? Descartes, through inner reflection, saw that all of his convictions and beliefs about the world were coloured in one way or another by prejudice: ... at the end I feel constrained to reply that there is nothing in a all that I formerly believed to be true, of which I cannot in some measure doubt, and that not merely through want of thought or through levity, but for reasons which are very powerful and maturely considered; so that henceforth I ought not the less carefully to refrain from giving credence to these opinions than to that which is manifestly false, if I desire to arrive at any certainty (in the sciences). 6 Doubts arise regardless of the nature of belief - one can never completely believe what one believes. Therefore, in order to establish absolutely grounded knowledge, which may serve as the basis fora "universal Science", one must use a method by which one may purge oneself of all doubts and thereby gain some radically indubitable insight into knowledge. Such a method, gescartes found, was that, as indicated above by hi,s own words, of II radical doubt" which "forbids in advance any judgemental use of (previous convictions and) which forbids taking any position with regard to their val idi'ty. ,,7 This is the method of the "sceptical epoche ll , the method of doubting all which had heretofor 6Descartes,Meditations on First Philosophy, first Med., (Libera 1 Arts Press, New York, 1954) trans. by L. LaFl eur. pp. 10. 7Husserl ,CrisiS of Eliroeari SCiences and Trariscendental Phenomenology, (Northwestern U. Press, Evanston, 1 7 ,p. 76. 9. been considered as belonging to the world, including the world itself. What then is left over? Via the process of a thorough and all-inclusive doubting, Descartes discovers that the ego which performs the epoche, or "reduction", is excluded from these things which can be doubted, and, in principle provides something which is beyond doubt. Consequently this ego provides an absolute and apodictic starting point for founding scientific philosophy. By way of this abstention. of bel ief, Desca'rtes managed to reduce the worl d of everyday 1 ife as bel ieved in, to mere 'phenomena', components of the rescogitans:. Thus:, having discovered his Archimedean point, the existence of the ego without question, he proceeds to deduce the 'rest' of the world with the aid of innate ideas and the veracity of God. In both Husserl and Descartes the compelling problem is that of establ ishing a scientific, apodictic phi'losophy based upon presuppos itionless groundwork .. Husserl, in thi.s regard, levels the charge at Descartes that the engagement of his method was not complete, such that hi.S: starting place was not indeed presupositionless, and that the validity of both causality and deductive methods were not called into question i.'n the performance of theepoche. In this way it is easy for an absolute evidence to make sure of the ego as: a first, "absolute, indubitablyexisting tag~end of the worldll , and it is then only a matter of inferring the absolute subs.tance and the other substances which belon.g to the world, along with my own mental substance, using a logically val i d deductive procedure. 8 8Husserl, E.;' Cartesian 'Meditation;, trans. Dorion Cairns (Martinus Nijhoff, The Hague, 1970), p. 24 ff.

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This study explored the relationship between the practical examination and other course evaluation methods~ specifically, the triple jump, tutorial, and written examination. Studies correlating academic and clinical grades tended to indicate that they may not be highly correlated because each evaluation process contributes different kinds of information regarding student knowledge, skills, and attitudes. Six hypotheses were generated stating a positive relationship between the four evaluation methods. A correlation matrix was produced of the Pearson Product Moment correlation co-efficients on the four evaluation methods in the second and third year Occupational Therapy Technique and Clinical Problem Solving courses of the 1988 and 1989 graduates (n~45). The results showed that the highest correlations existed between the triple jump and the tutorial grades and the lowest correlations existed between the practical examination and written examination grades. Not all of the correlations~ however~ reached levels of significance. The correlations overall. though, were only low to moderate at best which indicates that the evaluation methods may be measuring different aspects of student learning. This conclusion supports the studies researched. The implications and significance of this study is that it will assist the faculty in defining what the various evaluation methods measure which will in turn promote more critical input into curriculum development for the remaining years of the program.

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Transcript [original spelling and grammar retained]: Sacketts Harbour 26th Sept. 1813. Dear wife. From this you are informed that I am in health at this Date. When I last wrote to you I some expected to go upon and expedition but to us unknown we sat out and went up the Lake 3 Days Landed at Oswego The British Fleet appeared off, and we returned and saw our fleet upon our return, I think that our Regt. going was only a maneuver to get the Fleet out that our Fleet might come a threat[?] of them We expect to embark immediately into Canada as preparations are making to convey us over to them we are anxious to commence an action with them. Troops are daily coming in to the Harbour to take the Stand in our absence, we shall not be here 3 days before we try their[?] Powder. they are daily defecting[?] to us from Canada very fearful of the consequence of our Resisting[?] of them…our Fleet is now out and has been for 6 or 7 days. The Lake Erie fleet has done great things. I hope ours will be as successful. I think that our Generals are waiting to hear from them as every thing is ready[?] of to embark various opinions reflecting were we shall attack them some say at Kingston others at Montreal and others at Prescot—Mr. William Butler and D[?]…are well and in Spirits, Sergt Daniel White is very hearty for him, M. Samuel C[?] is well and in good health Benjm Thompson is well Charles Bryant is well [?] is well Eben[?] Smith is very much plagued with the Rheumatik Disease[?] he……… his limbs very often for being Crippled[?] he is at the Hospital I often visit it to see the sick Jacob Barnes is at the Hospital but recovering fast been very sick. Luther Gregory is at the Hospital and on the recovery, Sergt. L[?] & Smith are well, Henry ………[?] is well, very healthy have not more die here than 3…[?]to the best of my knowledge. I will make a few remarks upon the place it abounds in Lime Rock more than Thomaston and not every person to my knowledge burn it, and in the whole Town not but one Pump that supplies the Towns People and Soldiers and a ………[?] of such a Lake of water the Lake water is good for drinking but the water near the Shore is exposed to all kind of filth being thrown into it. The officers with whom I have been with have used me kindly and I get quietly by them. The Lieut. Downer who recruits at Thomaston tell me he has thots[?] of Leaving the army if so I must say I am greatly sorry as he was my ……[?] friend although he Left us and went in a northern Company it is a Company……………[?]worthy an officer as he proves to be, I cannot get any higher than a Sergeant or Quarter Master Sergeant which I may have without any friends at Thomaston assisting me. I am a Sergeant and Sergeant Daniel White is expecting[?] to be a Quarter Master Sergeant, and a number of his friends from Thomaston have went to their Major for him in the 9th Regt Major….[?] and he expects to obtain a Commission as I ……[?] expect to be promoted and it died away he will have the Laugh upon me, I wish that My Friend Dawes would[?] put the question to Col. Foot? to write to our Col. E.W. Ripley if he has …[?]in the …[?]taken by him and others of my …[?] friends[?]. I expect to come home this winter without fail. I remain your Loving Husband till Death. John Bentley for Betsey Bentley Thomaston P.S. The next Letter will be ……[?]to Mr. Dawes[?] and shall write as soon as our Fleet arrives or if we are ordered off tomorrow shall write before I leave this Place. I have understood that many letters have been ……[?]to me. I have received only 2 from Mary, one from Mr. Dawes, one from William Thompson and have answered them please to write……[?]to S. Harbour.

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Fort George, situated on the west side of the Niagara River in Niagara-on-the-Lake, served as the headquarters for the Centre Division of the British Army during the War of 1812. On May 25, 1813, the Americans launched an artillery attack on the Fort, destroying most of the buildings. Two days later, the Americans invaded the Town of Niagara and occupied Fort George. They remained in the Fort for almost seven months, but suffered defeats at the Battle of Stoney Creek and Beaver Dams. Only a small number of militia remained stationed at the Fort. Fearing an attack by the British, the Americans retreated back across the Niagara River in December, 1813. The Fort remained in British possession for the rest of the War.

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A letter written by Mahlon Taylor to his uncle, Samuel Clarke, dated at Marcellus [New York], July 26, 1813. Mahlon Taylor writes that he believes the mail he has sent out is not making it past Princeton, as he has not had a reply to any of his sent correspondence. He also writes that he has heard there are 3500 men at Fort George, 1000 are unfit for duty, and that there is skirmishing daily. He comments that the general opinion is that the troops will withdraw from Canada entirely. The letter is signed Mahlon C Taylor and is addressed to Mr. Samuel Clarke, no. 227 South Front Street, Philadelphia.

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Translation: Sir, It will probably be difficult for you to remember among the many strangers who annoy you with their admiration of a person to whom you kindly made civilities last year1 during a pleasant conversation about Corsica. I would be grateful if you could take a look at this sketch of his history.2 I present here the first of two letters. If you agree to them, I will send you the end. My brother, whom I recommend not to forget his deputies' commission to escort Paoli to his country,3 and to come and receive a lesson in virtue and humanity, will give them to you. I respectfully your most humble and obedient servant.4 Buonaparte, artillery officer Ajaccio, [Corsica] June 24 the first year of freedom [1790]5 1 Relations between Napoleon and Raynal have begun in 1789, which seems to confirm a confidence to Las Cases ( Memorial of St. Helena , La Pléiade , vol. I, p. 83) . 2 Latest version of history project of Corsica : Letters on Corsica to Abbe Raynal . 3 Joseph is part of a delegation sent by the city of Ajaccio to host Paoli 's return from exile in London . In doing so he has to go through Marseille where Raynal resides. 4 Shipping autograph, National Archives , 400 AP Biography 1. In the first years of Napoleon Bonaparte (1840) , Coston gives a rough version of this letter that it dates from 1786 , which is impossible because Raynal did not return to France that ' in 1787. Published for the first time in the Memories of Lord Holland (1851) , shipping is now kept in the national Archives Napoleons funds . 5 The letter is dated "June 24, the first year of freedom" (the word "freedom" is underlined twice). Given the dates of stay in Corsica Napoleon, it seems that is present in Ajaccio the month of June in 1790.

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Notebook with H.K. Woodruff written on the front cover (soft cover). Inside, there is a list of 48 diverse items which include: sword found at Lundy’s Lane, stuffed frog from Long Point, Indian pipe, 5 curious old revolutionary pistols and Mrs. S. Bull’s slippers. At the back of the book there is a list of 22 items including: proclamation issued by Sir Isaac Brock on Feb. 24, 1812 and Egyptian mummy, 1884-1885.

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Letter written by Samuel Woodruff regarding Shelby and Cogswell accounts. There is no salutation [to Jarvis and Conklin], Sept. 6, 1882.

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Second copy of the memorandum respecting differences between the approximate and final estimate but this one has “memorandum of extras of Brown and McDonall contract” written on the outer page (3 pages, handwritten), n.d.

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Flyer entitled Long Point Company which was written by Edward Harris (2 printed pages). There are 2 copies of this flyer. One is addressed to S.D. Woodruff and the other is addressed to Joseph Woodruff, May 28, 1879.

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Letter (unsigned) written to the Long Point Co. [by S.D. Woodruff] regarding the by-laws, July 2, 1881.

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William Frederick Haile was born in Putney, Windham County, Vermont on November 4th, 1791. He was raised in Fairfield, Herkimer County, New York. At the age of 21 he entered the United States Army. He served in the War of 1812 as a lieutenant in the 11th United States Infantry. He was severely wounded in the Battle of Lundy’s Lane [not mentioned in this memoir]. After the war he settled in Plattsburgh, New York and became a lawyer. He was a judge from April 1837 to March of 1843. He was also the fifth collector of customs for the District of Champlain. He died on October 1861 at the age of 69. This document was written for the children of William Frederick Haile in January of 1859 [as noted on p.23]. The memoir ends in July of 1814 before the Battle of Lundy’s Lane. Haile’s memoir is laced with names of military personnel and he expresses his opinions freely.

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Unsigned letter to A. Jeffrey written on an envelope stating that the glass was free from breakage, therefore there would be a deduction of 10 percent, June 28, 1875.

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Note papers with historical facts which were included with this collection [possibly written by the Niagara Historical Society] . The papers have been photocopied and inserted within the collection where they belong. The original notes have been maintained in one envelope, n.d.

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Note papers with historical facts which were included with this collection [possibly written by the Niagara Historical Society] . The papers have been photocopied and inserted within the collection where they belong. The original notes have been maintained in one envelope, n.d.