A physical activity intervention in a workplace setting

Physical inactivity poses a huge burden on Canada's health care system and is detrimental to the health of Canadians (Katzmarzyk & Janssen, 2004). Walking is a viable option for individuals to become physically active on a daily basis and is in fact the most commonly reported leisure time physical activity. It has been associated with many health benefits including weight loss/weight control, reduced risk of coronary artery disease and diabetes, lowered blood pressure, and improved psychological wellbeing (Brisson & Tudor-Locke, 2004). Specifically, individuals' stage of change, selfefficacy and health related quality of life (HRQL) are three psychological constructs that can be greatly improved with increased physical activity (Dishman, 1991; Penedo & Dahn, 2005; Poag & McAuley, 1992). Public health physical activity recommendations exist but many individuals find these difficult to meet due to overly busy lifestyles (Public Health Agency of Canada, 2003). Pedometers are inexpensive devices that can monitor individual bouts of walking so that the incorporation of physical activity into one's daily life is more plausible. They are also excellent tools for motivation, goalsetting, and immediate feedback (Brisson & Tudor-Locke, 2004). Since many people spend a large proportion of their time at their places of employment, workplaces have begun to be a common site for the development of physical activity interventions. These programs have been growing in popUlarity and have shown numerous benefits for both employees and employers (Voit, 2001). The purpose of the current study was to implement and evaluate the use of a pedometer-based physical activity intervention incorporating goal-setting and physical activity logs in a workplace setting, and to examine the relationship between different types of self-efficacy (task, barrier, and scheduling) and different phases of the intervention. Twenty male participants from a local steel manufacturing plant who exhibited health risk factors (e.g. hypertension, diabetes, etc.) were assigned to one of two groups (group A or group B). All participants were asked to wear pedometers on their waists, record their daily steps, set goals that were outlined on a step-tracking sheet (detennined by their baseline number of steps), and keep track of their work days, wakelbed time, sedentary time, and time spent doing other physical activity. Group A began the intervention immediately following the baseline measures, whereas group B continued with their regular routine for 4 weeks before beginning. Physiological measures (height, weight, blood pressure, relative body fat, waist and hip circumference, and body mass index) were taken and a battery of questionnaires that assessed barrier, task and scheduling self-efficacy, HRQL, and stage of change administered at baseline, week 5 (end of intervention for group A), week 9 (end of intervention for group B; follow-up for group A) and week 13 (follow-up for both groups). Results showed that this workplace physical activity intervention was successful at increasing the participants' daily steps, that task self-efficacy is a significant predictor of participants' exercise adherence during the initial stages of participation (intervention phase), and that the participants felt that this intervention was effective. Finally, further exploratory analyses showed that this intervention was effective for all participants, but most valuable for participants most in need of improvement - that is, those who were most sedentary prior to the intervention. This intervention is an inexpensive use of simple and effective tools (e.g. pedometers), has the potential to attract a wide variety of participants and become a pennanent part of any health promotion initiative.

Understanding how a spiritual retreat enhances the search for meaning and fulfillment in a large corporate workplace /

This study explored the concept of a spiritual retreat for frontline employees of a large corporate call centre. During a 1 day retreat, 4 call centre employees were introduced to various meditation and retreat activities. Follovsdng the retreat the participants were asked to incorporate the various meditations and activities into their workplace. The participants kept journals throughout the study in an effort to determine what occurred when these practices were transferred from the retreat setting to the workplace. This study examined how a working spirituality enhances one's sense of fulfillment, defined by certain critical elements: relationship, awareness, ritual, internal commitment, and choice. Although the retreat was a successful means of exploring these elements, the degree to which each employee could benefit from them was determined by the extent of their internal commitment not only to themselves, but also to their jobs.

Acquisition and transfer of experiential learning from rock climbing to the corporate workplace

There were three purposes to this study. The first purpose was to determine how learning can be influenced by various factors i~ the rock climbing experience. The second purpose was to examine what people can learn from the rock climbing experience. The third purpose was to investigate whether that learning can transfer from the rock climbing experience to the subjects' real life in the workplace. Ninety employees from a financial corporation in the Niagara Region volunteered for this study. All subjects were surveyed throughout a one-day treatment. Ten were purposefully selected one month later for interviews. Ten themes emerged from the subjects in terms of what was learned. Inspiration, motivation, and determination, preparation, goals and limitations, perceptions and expectations, confidence and risk taking, trust and support, teamwork, feedback and encouragement, learning from failure, and finally, skills and flow. All participants were able to transfer what was learned back to the workplace. The results of this study suggested that subjects' learning was influenced by their ability to: take risks in a safe environment, fail without penalty, support each other, plan without time constraints, and enjoy the company of fellow workers that they wouldn't normally associate with. Future directions for research should include different types of treatments such as white water rafting, sky diving, tall ship sailing, or caving.

Chute Losses Aren't Accidents! Most Injuries can be Avoided. Here's How to Rate the Performance of Your Chute and Crew

The conclusion of the article reads "good handling during processing and re-implanting could mean the difference between a going operation and financial disaster. But it's up to you to make certain your crew understands and follows proper chute practices. When they do, it will mean more money in your pocket."

Some Incidents and Circumstances Written by William F. Haile in the Course of his Life, 1859

William Frederick Haile was born in Putney, Windham County, Vermont on November 4th, 1791. He was raised in Fairfield, Herkimer County, New York. At the age of 21 he entered the United States Army. He served in the War of 1812 as a lieutenant in the 11th United States Infantry. He was severely wounded in the Battle of Lundy’s Lane [not mentioned in this memoir]. After the war he settled in Plattsburgh, New York and became a lawyer. He was a judge from April 1837 to March of 1843. He was also the fifth collector of customs for the District of Champlain. He died on October 1861 at the age of 69. This document was written for the children of William Frederick Haile in January of 1859 [as noted on p.23]. The memoir ends in July of 1814 before the Battle of Lundy’s Lane. Haile’s memoir is laced with names of military personnel and he expresses his opinions freely.

Some Incidents and Circumstances

- The first part of the document traces Mr. Haile’s lineage. His father, James Haile was a farmer. His grandfather, Amos Haile was a sailor for the early part of his life. He was placed on a British man-of- war in about 1758. He escaped and settled in Putney. (p.1) - His father’s mother’s maiden name was Parker. His mother’s maiden name was Campbell. Her father was a captain in the Revolutionary Army. (p.2) - His earliest memories revolve around the death of his aunt and the funeral of General Washington (although he did not witness this). At the time, his father was a Lieutenant in a regiment militia of Light Dragoons who wore red coats. (p.3) - In 1804, an addition was added to the Haile house which necessitated that William was to stay home to help with the building. He continued to study and read on his own. He was particularly interested in Napoleon Bonaparte’s victories. In that same year he was sent to Fairfield Academy where Reverend Caleb Alexander was the principal. (p.4) - On June 1, 1812, William was appointed as an Ensign in the Infantry of the Army of the United States. He was put into the recruiting service at Nassau (20 miles east of Albany) where he remained until September. (p.4) - He was assigned to the 11th Regiment of the W.S. Infantry and directed to proceed to Plattsburgh to report to Colonel Isaac Clark. (p.7) - He was assigned to the company commanded by Captain Samuel H. Halley who was not in the best of health and often absent. For a good part of the time William was in charge of the company. (p.8) - The 11th Regiment was encamped beside the 15th Regiment commanded by Col. Zebulon Montgomery Pike [Pike’s Peak was named after him]. Col. Pike generously drilled and disciplined the 11th Regiment since their officers didn’t seem capable of doing so. (p.8) - The first brigade to which William’s regiment was attached to was commanded by Brigadier General Bloomfield of New Jersey. Brigadier Chandler of Maine commanded the second brigade. (p.9) - At the beginning of November, Major General Dearborn took command of the army. He had been a good officer in his time, but William refers to him as “old and inefficient” earning him the nickname “Granny Dearborn” (p.9) - On November 17th, 1812, General Dearborn moved north with his army. The troops ended up in Champlain. There was no fighting, only a skirmish between a party of men under Colonel Pike and a few British troops who he succeeded in capturing. (p.10) - The troops were moved to barracks for the winter. Colonel Pike’s troops were put into suitable barracks and kept healthy but another part of the army (including the 11th Regiment) were sent to a barracks of green lumber north of Burlington. Disease soon broke out in the damp barracks and the hundreds of deaths soon followed. One morning, William counted 22 bodies who had died the previous night. He puts a lot of this down to an inexperienced commanding officer, General Chandler. (p.11) - At the beginning of 1813, William was stationed as a recruiter on the shore of Shoreham across from Fort Ticonderoga. In February, he returned to Burlington with his recruits. In March he received an order from General Chandler to proceed to Whitehall and take charge of the stores and provisions. In April and May it was decided that his half of the regiment (the First Battalion) should march to Sackett’s Harbour, Lake Ontario. They arrived at Sackett’s Harbour about the 10th of June, a few days after the Battle of Sackett’s Harbour. (p.12) - He was camped near the site of Fort Oswego and got word to head back to Sackett’s Harbour. A storm overtook the schooner that he was on. (p.14) - William was involved in the Battle of Williamsburg (or Chrysler’s Farm) which he calls a “stupid and bungling affair on the part of our generals”.(p. 18) - General Covington was wounded and died a few days after the battle. (p.19) - William speaks of being ill. The troops were ordered to march to Buffalo, but he is able to go to his father’s house in Fairfield where his mother nursed him back to health (p.23) - Upon arrival at Buffalo, the “old fogy Generals” were replaced with younger, more efficient men. (p.25) - On page 27 he sums up a few facts: In 1812, the army was assembled on Lake Champlain with the intention of capturing Montreal, and then Quebec. That year, under General Dearborn the army marched as far as Champlain, then turned back and went into winter quarters. In 1813, the army was assembled at Sackett’s Harbour and that year the campaign ended at French Mills which was 70 or 80 miles from Montreal. In 1814, the army at Buffalo were some 400 miles from Montreal with still the same object in view. - He says that these facts make “a riddle – difficult to explain”. (p.27) - On the evening of July 2nd they embarked on the boats with the objective of capturing Fort Erie. The enemy were all made prisoners of war (p.27) - On July 4th they went to Street’s Creek, 2 miles above the Chippewa [Chippawa] River (p.28) - Page 29 is titled The Battle of Chippewa [Chippawa] - He speaks of 2 drummers who were fighting over the possession of a drum when a cannonball came along and took of both of their heads (p.29) - He proclaims that this was one of the “most brilliant battles of the war”. The battle was fought and won in less than an hour after they left their tents. He credits General Scott with this success and states that was due to his rapid orders and movements. (p.30) - The dead of the battle remained on the field during the night. He describes this as quite gloomy seeing friend and foe lying side by side. At daybreak they set to work digging trenches to bury the dead. (p.31) - Colonel Campbell was wounded and advised to have his leg amputated. He refused, and subsequently died. (p.32) - It is said that the British threw several of their dead into the river and they went over the Falls. (p.32) - His troops repaired the bridge over Chippawa which the enemy had partially destroyed and then pursued the British as far as Queenston Heights. (p.32) - On pages 33 and 34 he speaks about meeting an old friend of his, Philip Harter. - The account ends at Queenston Heights