22 resultados para protection orders

em Brock University, Canada


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In Canada freedom of information must be viewed in the context of governing -- how do you deal with an abundance of information while balancing a diversity of competing interests? How can you ensure people are informed enough to participate in crucial decision-making, yet willing enough to let some administrative matters be dealt with in camera without their involvement in every detail. In an age when taxpayers' coalition groups are on the rise, and the government is encouraging the establishment of Parent Council groups for schools, the issues and challenges presented by access to information and protection of privacy legislation are real ones. The province of Ontario's decision to extend freedom of information legislation to local governments does not ensure, or equate to, full public disclosure of all facts or necessarily guarantee complete public comprehension of an issue. The mere fact that local governments, like school boards, decide to collect, assemble or record some information and not to collect other information implies that a prior decision was made by "someone" on what was important to record or keep. That in itself means that not all the facts are going to be disclosed, regardless of the presence of legislation. The resulting lack of information can lead to public mistrust and lack of confidence in those who govern. This is completely contrary to the spirit of the legislation which was to provide interested members of the community with facts so that values like political accountability and trust could be ensured and meaningful criticism and input obtained on matters affecting the whole community. This thesis first reviews the historical reasons for adopting freedom of information legislation, reasons which are rooted in our parliamentary system of government. However, the same reasoning for enacting such legislation cannot be applied carte blanche to the municipal level of government in Ontario, or - ii - more specifially to the programs, policies or operations of a school board. The purpose of this thesis is to examine whether the Municipal Freedom of Information and Protection of Privacy Act, 1989 (MFIPPA) was a neccessary step to ensure greater openness from school boards. Based on a review of the Orders made by the Office of the Information and Privacy Commissioner/Ontario, it also assesses how successfully freedom of information legislation has been implemented at the municipal level of government. The Orders provide an opportunity to review what problems school boards have encountered, and what guidance the Commissioner has offered. Reference is made to a value framework as an administrative tool in critically analyzing the suitability of MFIPPA to school boards. The conclusion is drawn that MFIPPA appears to have inhibited rather than facilitated openness in local government. This may be attributed to several factors inclusive of the general uncertainty, confusion and discretion in interpreting various provisions and exemptions in the Act. Some of the uncertainty is due to the fact that an insufficient number of school board staff are familiar with the Act. The complexity of the Act and its legalistic procedures have over-formalized the processes of exchanging information. In addition there appears to be a concern among municipal officials that granting any access to information may be violating personal privacy rights of others. These concerns translate into indecision and extreme caution in responding to inquiries. The result is delay in responding to information requests and lack of uniformity in the responses given. However, the mandatory review of the legislation does afford an opportunity to address some of these problems and to make this complex Act more suitable for application to school boards. In order for the Act to function more efficiently and effectively legislative changes must be made to MFIPPA. It is important that the recommendations for improving the Act be adopted before the government extends this legislation to any other public entities.

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The present thesis examines the determinants of the bankruptcy protection duration for Canadian firms. Using a sample of Canadian firms that filed for bankruptcy protection between the calendar years 1992 and 2009, we fmd that the firm age, the industry adjusted operating margin, the default spread, the industrial production growth rate or the interest rate are influential factors on determining the length of the protection period. Older firms tend to stay longer under protection from creditors. As older firms have more complicated structures and issues to settle, the risk of exiting soon the protection (the hazard rate) is small. We also find that firms that perform better than their benchmark as measured by the industry they belong to, tend to leave quickly the bankruptcy protection state. We conclude that the fate of relatively successful companies is determined faster. Moreover, we report that it takes less time to achieve a final solution to firms under bankrupt~y when the default spread is low or when the appetite for risk is high. Conversely, during periods of high default spreads and flight for quality, it takes longer time to resolve the bankruptcy issue. This last finding may suggest that troubled firms should place themselves under protection when spreads are low. However, this ignores the endogeneity issue: high default spread may cause and incidentally reflect higher bankruptcy rates in the economy. Indeed, we find that bankruptcy protection is longer during economic downturns. We explain this relation by the natural increase in default rate among firms (and individuals) during economically troubled times. Default spreads are usually larger during these harsh periods as investors become more risk averse since their wealth shrinks. Using a Log-logistic hazard model, we also fmd that firms that file under the Companies' Creditors Arrangement Act (CCAA) protection spend longer time restructuring than firms that filed under the Bankruptcy and Insolvency Act (BIA). As BIA is more statutory and less flexible, solutions can be reached faster by court orders.

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A study of intergovernmental relations in the area of the environment will determine whether the current Canadian federal structure represents a dangerous impediment to the promotion of sustainable development. This paper examines the interjurisdictional quagmire that has developed from the fact that authority over the environment is a functionally concurrent field for the two orders of government. A history of federal-provincial relations in the area of environmental protection is followed by an analysis of the advantages and disadvantages associated with competitive and cooperative federalism. For the purpose of this paper, cooperative federalism is characterized by the presence of a formal institutional system to facilitate interaction between politicians and bureaucrats from both orders of government. Competitive federalism is defined as a system that lacks a formal institutional structure to promote discussion and coordination between federal and provincial officials in a specific field of interest. Last, I examine thirty sustainable development issues following the structure established in Agenda 21 to determine the impact of the present federal system on the development of these objectives. This study concludes that Canadian federalism is not a dangerous impediment to the promotion of sustainable development. Cooperative federalism in a form that does not eliminate the ability of governments to revert to competition promotes the emergence of an institutional system that facilitates information-sharing and discussion between the two orders of government, thus leading to coordinated efforts in the field of the environment. Respect for the current division of powers in this area is also essential to the cohesiveness of Canadian society. Policy-makers and advocates for a sustainable society should focus on working within the present system.

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Since the early 1970's, Canadians have expressed many concerns about the growth of government and its impact on their daily lives. The public has requested increased access to government documents and improved protection of the personal information which is held in government files and data banks. At the same time, both academics and practitioners in the field of public administration have become more interested in the values that public servants bring to their decisions and recommendations. Certain administrative values, such as accountability and integrity, have taken on greater relative importance. The purpose of this thesis is to examine the implementation of Ontario's access and privacy law. It centres on the question of whether or not the Freedom of Information and Protection of Privacy Act, 1987, (FIPPA) has answered the demand for open access to government while at the same time protecting the personal privacy of individual citizens. It also assesses the extent to which this relatively new piece of legislation has made a difference to the people of Ontario. The thesis presents an overview of the issues of freedom of information and protection of privacy in Ontario. It begins with the evolution of the legislation and a description of the law itself. It focuses on the structures and processes which have been established to meet the procedural and administrative demands of the Act. These structures and processes are evaluated in two ways. First, the thesis evaluates how open the Ontario government has become and, second, it determines how Ill carefully the privacy rights of individuals are safeguarded. An analytical framework of administrative values is used to evaluate the overall performance of the government in these two areas. The conclusion is drawn that, overall, the Ontario government has effectively implemented the Freedom of Information and Protection of Privacy Act, particularly by providing access to most government-held documents. The protection of individual privacy has proved to be not only more difficult to achieve, but more difficult to evaluate. However, the administrative culture of the Ontario bureaucracy is shown to be committed to ensuring that the access and privacy rights of citizens are respected.

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"Certain of these orders ... have been printed in Col. E. Cruikshank's Documentary history of Niagara." Created on behalf of the Women's Canadian Historical Society of Toronto

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This thesis takes some steps in examining the child protection system from a position that is rarely discussed. Specifically, I explore how Foucault's concept of disciplinary power can be used to demonstrate how power operates within the client/worker relationship. This relationship is shown to be quite complex with power flowing bidirectionally, rather than hierarchically. Instead of viewing power imbalances as a function of state control, I show how the client/worker relationship is constituted by the worker, the client, the organization and the social body. A postmodern auto ethnography is used to document my journey as I expose the disciplinary practices and instruments that I was subject to and used with my clients. 2 Given that the child protection system is constantly shifting and changing in order to improve its ability to safeguard children a greater emphasis is required to examine how workers operate within this complex, overwhelming and multi-dimensional world. This thesis has shown that by engaging in a reflexive examination of my position of power different approaches to making intervention beneficial to all involved become available. This is important if child protection work aims to work with clients rather than on clients.

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Colley Lyons Lucas Foster (1778-1843) was a militia officer who served in England, Ireland, Jamaica and Upper Canada. He served as aide-de-camp to Lieutenant-General Gordon Drummond in Ireland, and in 1813 accompanied Drummond to his new post in Upper Canada. In February of 1814, Foster was appointed Adjutant General of the Upper Canadian militia. After the war, Foster resigned from his position and moved to Quebec. In 1816, he became Assistant Adjutant General to the regular forces in Upper Canada and remained in this position until his death in 1843. During the rebellion in Upper Canada in 1837, Foster was instrumental in organizing a guard composed of citizens of Toronto. When Sir Francis Bond Head, Lieutenant-Governor of Upper Canada, resigned his post in January 1838, Foster commanded both the militia and regular forces in Upper Canada until the arrival of Major-General Sir George Arthur in March of 1838.

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Transcript [original spelling and grammar retained]: Albany June 28 1812 Sir Your letter of the 23d has been received. I had anticipated your request by ordering the detachment from Washington, Essex, Clinton and Franklin Counties into service and have fixed the days and places of their Rendezvous. Upon application to the quarter master General I find there are but 139 tents & 60 camp kettles at this place & even those I take by a kind of stealth. The Deputy Quarter Master General declines giving an order for their delivery until he shall have a written order from the Quarter Master General, and the latter is willing I Shall take them but will not give the Deputy a written order for that purpose. Under Such circumstances I shall avail myself of the rule of Possession and by virtue of the Eleven Points of Law Send them tomorrow morning without a written order from anyone. You may remember that when you were Secretary of the war department I invited you to forward and deposit in our Frontier Arsenals, arms ammunition and camp equipage free of expense to be ready in case of war and the same invitation to the war department has been repeated some time, Since The United States have now from 5 to 600 regular troops at Plattsburgh, Rome, Canandaigua & c, where those arsenals are, and yet those recruits are now and must be for weeks to come unarmed and unequipped in every respect although within musket Shot of arsenals. The recruits at Plattsburgh are within 50 miles of two tribes of Canadian Indians. In case of an attack upon the Frontiers that portion of the United States army would be as inefficient and unable to defend the inhabitants or themselves even. The Militia Detachments on the Western Frontiers received the news of war with [cherafulness] and determined courage, and I am happy to find they are united late brothers, highly improved in Discipline & ready to devote themselves to any Service or danger which the good of the Country may require. But they are in barracks from which they cannot move a days march for the want of tents and other equipage, and they are in Separate and Independent Detachments without a General Officer to command them or combine their exertions for the accomplishment of any desirable and important object. The only officer of the United States here who can do anything is the Quarter Master General and he has not a tent Camp Kettle or Knapsack in this arsenal except what I have concluded to send off tomorrow morning as above mentioned to furnish men As to Cannon Muskets and Ammunition. I can find now one here who will exercise any authority over them or deliver a Single article upon my requisition. Neither can I find any Officer of the army who feel himself authorized to exercise any authority or do any act which will aid me in the all important object of protecting the Inhabitants of an extended Frontier exposed to the Cruelties of Savages and the depredations of the enemy. If I must rely upon the Militia Solely for Such protection I entreat you to give orders to your Officers to furnish upon my orders, for the use of the Militia Detachments , all needful weapons and articles with which the United States are Supplied and of which we are destitute . You may rely upon all the assistance which my talents, influence or authority can furnish in the active prosecution of the first & necessary way which has been declared by the Constituted Authorities of our beloved Country. I am, Sir, respectfully Your ob. Servt. Daniel D. Tompkins

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Sir John Thomas Duckworth (1747-1817) served as Governor and Commander-in-Chief of Newfoundland when the United States declared war against Great Britain in 1812. He effectively prepared for the war by reviving and expanding the militia forces, establishing a signal station to warn of the approach of enemy ships, and strengthening the seaward forces. He resigned the post in December 1812 in order to take a parliamentary seat for New Romney, on the Kent coast. Sir William Domett (1752-1828) and Sir Joseph Sydney (1768-1831) were both naval officers and members of the Board of Admiralty when the United States declared war on Great Britain in 1812. Sir George Warrender, 4th Baronet (1782-1849), served as Lord of the Admiralty from 1812-1822, and as a Member of Parliament for various constituencies in Great Britain from 1807-1832. Sir John Barrow (1764-1848) was secretary of the Admiralty from 1804-1845, with the exception of the period from Feb. 1806-April 1807. He is best known for his support and encouragement of British exploration, especially in West Africa and the Arctic.

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Bound with: The manual and platoon exercises, &c., &c. (51 p.) and: General orders and observations on the movement and field exercise of infantry (16 p.) Inscribed on front paste-down: L. Colonel Brock. Also inscribed: Maj. Genl T.A. Smith late of the 1st. Rifle Regt. Bookplate of Robert B. Taylor, Norfolk. On front flyleaf: lengthy, two-page transcription in ink, headed /Copy/Circular/ dated "Horse Guards, 25th May '07" and signed: "Harry Calvert Adjt. General.

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Bound with: The manual and platoon exercises, &c., &c. (51 p.) and: General orders and observations on the movement and field exercise of infantry (16 p.) Inscribed on front paste-down: L. Colonel Brock. Also inscribed: Maj. Genl T.A. Smith late of the 1st. Rifle Regt. Bookplate of Robert B. Taylor, Norfolk. On front flyleaf: lengthy, two-page transcription in ink, headed /Copy/Circular/ dated "Horse Guards, 25th May '07" and signed: "Harry Calvert Adjt. General.