15 resultados para incidents

em Brock University, Canada


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William Frederick Haile was born in Putney, Windham County, Vermont on November 4th, 1791. He was raised in Fairfield, Herkimer County, New York. At the age of 21 he entered the United States Army. He served in the War of 1812 as a lieutenant in the 11th United States Infantry. He was severely wounded in the Battle of Lundy’s Lane [not mentioned in this memoir]. After the war he settled in Plattsburgh, New York and became a lawyer. He was a judge from April 1837 to March of 1843. He was also the fifth collector of customs for the District of Champlain. He died on October 1861 at the age of 69. This document was written for the children of William Frederick Haile in January of 1859 [as noted on p.23]. The memoir ends in July of 1814 before the Battle of Lundy’s Lane. Haile’s memoir is laced with names of military personnel and he expresses his opinions freely.

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- The first part of the document traces Mr. Haile’s lineage. His father, James Haile was a farmer. His grandfather, Amos Haile was a sailor for the early part of his life. He was placed on a British man-of- war in about 1758. He escaped and settled in Putney. (p.1) - His father’s mother’s maiden name was Parker. His mother’s maiden name was Campbell. Her father was a captain in the Revolutionary Army. (p.2) - His earliest memories revolve around the death of his aunt and the funeral of General Washington (although he did not witness this). At the time, his father was a Lieutenant in a regiment militia of Light Dragoons who wore red coats. (p.3) - In 1804, an addition was added to the Haile house which necessitated that William was to stay home to help with the building. He continued to study and read on his own. He was particularly interested in Napoleon Bonaparte’s victories. In that same year he was sent to Fairfield Academy where Reverend Caleb Alexander was the principal. (p.4) - On June 1, 1812, William was appointed as an Ensign in the Infantry of the Army of the United States. He was put into the recruiting service at Nassau (20 miles east of Albany) where he remained until September. (p.4) - He was assigned to the 11th Regiment of the W.S. Infantry and directed to proceed to Plattsburgh to report to Colonel Isaac Clark. (p.7) - He was assigned to the company commanded by Captain Samuel H. Halley who was not in the best of health and often absent. For a good part of the time William was in charge of the company. (p.8) - The 11th Regiment was encamped beside the 15th Regiment commanded by Col. Zebulon Montgomery Pike [Pike’s Peak was named after him]. Col. Pike generously drilled and disciplined the 11th Regiment since their officers didn’t seem capable of doing so. (p.8) - The first brigade to which William’s regiment was attached to was commanded by Brigadier General Bloomfield of New Jersey. Brigadier Chandler of Maine commanded the second brigade. (p.9) - At the beginning of November, Major General Dearborn took command of the army. He had been a good officer in his time, but William refers to him as “old and inefficient” earning him the nickname “Granny Dearborn” (p.9) - On November 17th, 1812, General Dearborn moved north with his army. The troops ended up in Champlain. There was no fighting, only a skirmish between a party of men under Colonel Pike and a few British troops who he succeeded in capturing. (p.10) - The troops were moved to barracks for the winter. Colonel Pike’s troops were put into suitable barracks and kept healthy but another part of the army (including the 11th Regiment) were sent to a barracks of green lumber north of Burlington. Disease soon broke out in the damp barracks and the hundreds of deaths soon followed. One morning, William counted 22 bodies who had died the previous night. He puts a lot of this down to an inexperienced commanding officer, General Chandler. (p.11) - At the beginning of 1813, William was stationed as a recruiter on the shore of Shoreham across from Fort Ticonderoga. In February, he returned to Burlington with his recruits. In March he received an order from General Chandler to proceed to Whitehall and take charge of the stores and provisions. In April and May it was decided that his half of the regiment (the First Battalion) should march to Sackett’s Harbour, Lake Ontario. They arrived at Sackett’s Harbour about the 10th of June, a few days after the Battle of Sackett’s Harbour. (p.12) - He was camped near the site of Fort Oswego and got word to head back to Sackett’s Harbour. A storm overtook the schooner that he was on. (p.14) - William was involved in the Battle of Williamsburg (or Chrysler’s Farm) which he calls a “stupid and bungling affair on the part of our generals”.(p. 18) - General Covington was wounded and died a few days after the battle. (p.19) - William speaks of being ill. The troops were ordered to march to Buffalo, but he is able to go to his father’s house in Fairfield where his mother nursed him back to health (p.23) - Upon arrival at Buffalo, the “old fogy Generals” were replaced with younger, more efficient men. (p.25) - On page 27 he sums up a few facts: In 1812, the army was assembled on Lake Champlain with the intention of capturing Montreal, and then Quebec. That year, under General Dearborn the army marched as far as Champlain, then turned back and went into winter quarters. In 1813, the army was assembled at Sackett’s Harbour and that year the campaign ended at French Mills which was 70 or 80 miles from Montreal. In 1814, the army at Buffalo were some 400 miles from Montreal with still the same object in view. - He says that these facts make “a riddle – difficult to explain”. (p.27) - On the evening of July 2nd they embarked on the boats with the objective of capturing Fort Erie. The enemy were all made prisoners of war (p.27) - On July 4th they went to Street’s Creek, 2 miles above the Chippewa [Chippawa] River (p.28) - Page 29 is titled The Battle of Chippewa [Chippawa] - He speaks of 2 drummers who were fighting over the possession of a drum when a cannonball came along and took of both of their heads (p.29) - He proclaims that this was one of the “most brilliant battles of the war”. The battle was fought and won in less than an hour after they left their tents. He credits General Scott with this success and states that was due to his rapid orders and movements. (p.30) - The dead of the battle remained on the field during the night. He describes this as quite gloomy seeing friend and foe lying side by side. At daybreak they set to work digging trenches to bury the dead. (p.31) - Colonel Campbell was wounded and advised to have his leg amputated. He refused, and subsequently died. (p.32) - It is said that the British threw several of their dead into the river and they went over the Falls. (p.32) - His troops repaired the bridge over Chippawa which the enemy had partially destroyed and then pursued the British as far as Queenston Heights. (p.32) - On pages 33 and 34 he speaks about meeting an old friend of his, Philip Harter. - The account ends at Queenston Heights

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Frank Reynolds was in charge of the Rock at Brock featuring the Guess Who and 7 other Canadian Bands, held on the back field at Brock. It was a geat affair, with 40,000 in attendance and few incidents. The student union rented every bus the City of St Catharines owned and took everyone home at 1 AM when the event ended.

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This research explored the events that engaged graduate students in transformative learning within a graduate program in education. This context was chosen because one objective of a graduate program is to facilitate critical thinking and transformative learning. The question ofhow adult learners perceive and experience learning steered the direction ofthis study. However, the purpose ofthis research was to study critical incidents that led to profound cognitive and affective changes as perceived by the graduate students. Specifically, the questions to be answered were what critical incidents happened to graduate students while in the Master ofEducation program, how were the incidents experienced, and what transformation resulted? The research design evolved over the course of a year and was highly influenced by previous empirical studies and criticisms oftransformative learning theory. The overall design was qualitative and phenomenological. A critical and interpretive approach was made to empirical data collected through a critical incident questionnaire and in-depth interviews. Inductive analysis allowed theory to be built from the data by making comparisons. New questions emerged and attention was given to social context, the passage oftime, and sequence ofevents in order to give meaning and translation ofthe participants' experiences and to build the interpretive narratives. Deductive analysis was also used on the data and a blending ofthe two forms of analysis; this resulted in the development ofa foundational model for transformative learning to be built.The data revealed critical incidents outside ofthe graduate school program that occurred in childhood or adult life prior to graduate school. Since context of individuals' lives had been an important critique of past transformative learning models and studies, this research expanded the original boundaries of this study beyond graduate school to incorporate incidents that occurred outside of graduate school. Critical incidents were categorized into time-related, people-related, and circumstancerelated themes. It was clear that participants were influenced and molded by the stage oftheir life, personal experiences, familial and cultural conditioning, and even historic events. The model developed in this document fiom an overview ofthe fmdings identifies a four-stage process of life difficulty, disintegration, reintegration, and completion that all participants' followed. The blended analysis was revealed from the description ofhow the incidents were experienced by the participants. The final categories were what were the feelings, what was happening, and what was the enviromnent? The resulting transformation was initially only going to consider cognitive and affective changes, however, it was apparent that contextual changes also occurred for all participants, so this category was also included. The model was described with the construction metaphor of a building "foimdation" to illustrate the variety of conditions that are necessary for transformative learning to occur. Since this was an exploratory study, no prior models or processes were used in data analysis, however, it appeared that the model developed from this study incorporated existing models and provided a more encompassing life picture oftransformative learning.

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This study is an effort to give voice to an experience. The experience in question is the decision of a student to trust a practitioner. The study also describes the features which led the student to believe that the practitioner would provide a "safe place" for interaction around matters of a delicate or personal nature. This study is the gift oftwo coauthors, each with a unique story which offers description of critical incidents, and what made these events meaningful. At the heart of the study is the potential for education and its professionals to provide safe places for students. Analysis of the data determines that a safe place involves two parties, one seeking a safe place and another who provides the safe place-in this study, the student and the practitioner. The student, with urgency, seeks a safe place to disclose personal information. In this urgency the student is confronted with features of control, comfort, respect, felt sense, and nonjudgemental listening. These features are the constitutive elements of a Safe Place. Capacity to recognize and construct safe places is a competency which the existing school lifeworld demands of today's practitioners. Understanding what are deemed to be safe places and how practitioners might work to create them are the extended outcomes of this study.

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Graffiti, Memory and Contested Space: Mnemonic Initiatives Following Periods of Trauma and/or Repression in Buenos Aires, Argentina This thesis concerns the popular articulation ofmemory following periods or incidents of trauma in Argentina. I am interested in how groups lay claim to various public spaces in the city and how they convert these spaces into mnemonic battlegrounds. In considering these spaces of trauma and places of memory, I am primarily interested in how graffiti writing (stencils, spray-paint, signatures, etchings, wall-paintings, murals and installations) is used to make these spaces transmit particular memories that impugn official versions of the past. This thesis draws on literatures focused on popular/public memory. Scholars argue that memory is socially constructed and thus actively contested. Marginal initiatives such as graffiti writing challenge the memory projects of the state as well as state projects that are perceived by citizens to be 'inadequate,' 'inappropriate,' and/or as promoting the erasure of memory. Many of these initiatives are a reaction to the proreconciliation and pro-oblivion strategies of previous governments. I outline that the history of silences and impunity, and a longstanding emphasis on reconciliation at the expense of truth and justice has created an environment of vulnerable memory in Argentina. Popular memory entrepreneurs react by aggressively articulating their memories in time and in space. As a result of this intense memory work, the built landscape in Buenos Aires is dotted with mnemonic initiatives that aim to contradict or subvert officially sanctioned memories. I also suggest that memory workers in Argentina persistently and carefially use the sites of trauma as well as key public spaces to ensure official as well as popular audiences . The data for this project was collected in five spaces in Buenos Aires, the Plaza de Mayo, Plaza Congreso, La Republica Cromanon nightclub, Avellaneda Train Station and El Olimpo, a former detention centre from the military dictatorship.

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This was a study designed to identify and explore the assumptions that Registered Nurses have about their current nursing role and practice. A qualitative case study approach was used to gather descriptive data. Thirteen study participants completed the indicators of critical thinking exercise and participated in a group session in which they identified positive and negative critical incidents in their clinical practice. The analysis of the anecdotes that were generated from the critical incident exercises revealed ten assumptions held by the Registered Nurses about their nursing practice. The ten assumptions were reflected back to the study participants to determine their level of agreement with each assumption. The ten assumptions were supported by the majority of the respondents. The Registered Nurses in this study appraised themselves affirmatively on eight out of nine indicators of critical thinking.

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This inquiry examines reported critical incidents that shaped the lived experience of 5 university TAs as they negotiated multiple roles and relationships within the teaching and learning context. Questions and ensuing conversations explore the ways in which these critical incidents in teaching contributed to the TAs' understanding of themselves as teachers, of teaching and learning tensions in higher education, and of the institutional contexts in which they work. The inquiry also explores the ways in which narrative, particularly creative fiction, can represent the stories TAs tell of their experiences.

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Obtaining mothers' perspectives and descriptions of incidents in which their child(ren) said or did something that influenced the mothers' values, beliefs, and/or social or cultural practices, that is, the content of socialization, was the primary aim of this research. Bakhtin's (2004) metatheoretical account of dialogism was used to frame this study. From a dialogic perspective utterances (for example, the utterances of children in the present study) are events or acts and are presented as one way to view the process of socialization. In part this purpose, and the decision to utilize a qualitative research orientation, was to address a call (Lollis & Kuczynski, 1997) for qualitative or microanalytic analyses to help elucidate the processes of socialization. Mothers (N=10) in this study were able to provide descriptions of incidents in which their child(ren) said or did something that influenced the mother and hence we have some description of the concept of bidirectionality, a well accepted, but undertheorized concept in developmental psychology. While the concepts of multiple sources of influence and contexts are salient areas of research in parent-child socialization, and were mentioned in the informants reporting these areas did not appear to be as salient in the mothers' accounts. Emotions and the meaning mothers 'derived' from the interactions did, however, take much more prominence in the described incidents.

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Colin Duquemin was born in 1932 in Guernsey, British Channel Islands, and came to Canada as a young adult. He attended McMaster University (B.A.), the University of Toronto (B.Ed.), the State University of New York at Buffalo (M.A.) and the University of London, London, England (M.Sc.). He began his career as a tea taster and tea buyer in Colombo, Ceylon (Sri Lanka), but later became a teacher. He spent most of his teaching career as a manager of the St. Johns Outdoor Studies Centre, north of Fonthill, Ontario, developing environmentally related programmes for elementary and secondary school students. He was also active in many local organizations, serving as Associate Director of the St. Catharines Grape and Wine Festival Board, Chairman of the St. Catharines Historical Museum Board, President of the Niagara Military Institute and President of the Canadian Canal Society. In addition to the numerous curriculum materials he authored, Colin wrote the Driver’s Guide Series, highlighting the many points of interest in the Niagara region, including the Welland Canal, battlefields of the War of 1812, and the Niagara Parkway. He also wrote A Guide to the Grand River Canal (1980) with Daniel Glenney, The Fur Trade in Rupert’s Land: Opening up the Canadian Northwest (1992), Stick to the Guns! A short history of the 10th field battery, Royal Regiment of Canadian Artillery (1996), Niagara Rebels: the Niagara Frontier Incidents in the Upper Canada Rebellion, 1837-1838 ( 2001), and edited and contributed to A Lodge of Friendship: the History of Niagara Lodge, No. 2, A.F. & A.M, Niagara-on-the-Lake, Ontario, Canada, 1792-1992 (1991). He died in December 2012.

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Teachers can reflect on their practices by articulating and exploring incidents they consider critical to themselves or others. By talking about these critical incidents, teachers can make better sense of seemingly random experiences that occur in their teaching because they hold the real inside knowledge, especially personal intuitive knowledge, expertise and experience that is based on their accumulated years as language educators teaching in schools and classrooms. This paper is about one such critical incident analysis that an ESL teacher in Canada revealed to her critical friend and how both used McCabe’s (2002) narrative framework for analyzing an important critical incident that occurred in the teacher’s class.

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While bullying prevention programs appear to be decreasing the number of bullying incidents overseas, bullying prevention programs here in Canada have not been proving as effective. Evaluations of bullying prevention programs often focus on the outcomes and neglect to examine the training regimen for teachers. As teachers are on the front lines of bullying prevention programs, the current study explored teachers’ beliefs about the various types of bullying, their perceptions of their own abilities (e.g., teacher bullying prevention efficacy (TBPE), self-concept, and theory of mind) to implement bullying prevention initiatives, and how the school climate may influence their efficacy beliefs. Participants in the current study were 61 Canadian teachers (n = 51 women), predominantly from Ontario. Participating teachers represented all elementary division levels (primary, junior, and intermediate). Participants’ teaching experience ranged from zero years of teaching (pre-service) to 28 years of experience (M = 10.50, SD = 7.35). It was found that participants reported a relatively high TBPE score, which was related to their likely intervention in cyberbullying situations but not for other forms of bullying situations. It was found that teachers were most likely to intervene in physical bullying than verbal, relational, and cyberbullying, respectively. TBPE was influenced by the school climate. Teachers’ scores on the theory of mind scale was not a significant indicator of any teachers’ bullying beliefs. Analyses exploring the relationship between bullying beliefs and self-concept, morality predicted teachers TBPE scores and the likelihood of intervention. Teachers’ recommendations for bullying prevention training and school bullying prevention programs were explored. Results are discussed in terms of implications for practice and future research.