Scales, networks and uncertainty : an examination of environmental policy-making in Ontario

Through a case-study analysis of Ontario's ethanol policy, this thesis addresses a number of themes that are consequential to policy and policy-making: spatiality, democracy and uncertainty. First, I address the 'spatial debate' in Geography pertaining to the relevance and affordances of a 'scalar' versus a 'flat' ontoepistemology. I argue that policy is guided by prior arrangements, but is by no means inevitable or predetermined. As such, scale and network are pragmatic geographical concepts that can effectively address the issue of the spatiality of policy and policy-making. Second, I discuss the democratic nature of policy-making in Ontario through an examination of the spaces of engagement that facilitate deliberative democracy. I analyze to what extent these spaces fit into Ontario's environmental policy-making process, and to what extent they were used by various stakeholders. Last, I take seriously the fact that uncertainty and unavoidable injustice are central to policy, and examine the ways in which this uncertainty shaped the specifics of Ontario's ethanol policy. Ultimately, this thesis is an exercise in understanding sub-national environmental policy-making in Canada, with an emphasis on how policy-makers tackle the issues they are faced with in the context of environmental change, political-economic integration, local priorities, individual goals, and irreducible uncertainty.

The interpretation of environmental sustainability (ES) by the IOC/Olympic Games 1994-2008

The purpose of this qualitative multi-case study was to examine the interpretation of environmental sustainability (ES) within the Olympic 11 Movement. Two research questions guided the inquiry - first, how has the concept of ES been defined by the International Olympic Committee (lOC), and second, how has the concept of ES been defined and enacted by the Organizing Committees ofthe Olympic Games (OCOGs)? During the past two decades, the International Olympic Committee (lOC) established several policies and programs related to ES. Its actions reflect a broader trend of environmentalism within economic and social spheres around the world (Milton-Smith, 2002). Despite the numerous initiatives, the Olympic Games continue to cause significant environmental damage. Frey, et al. (2007) argued that the Olympic Movement contradicts the fundamental premises of ES because the Games are hosted in a two week time period, are situated in a confined area, and accumulate operating and infrastructure costs in the billions of dollars. Further, Etzion (2007) stated "there is positive and significant correlation between firm siz~ and environmental performance" (p. 642) and in the context of the Olympics the sizeimpact relation is striking. Since 1972, the year the UN launched its international environmental awareness efforts, the Summer Olympics grew to 201 nations (39% increase), 10,500 athletes (32% increase), 28 sports (30% increase), and 302 events (43% increase) (Johnson, 2004; Girginov & Parry, 2005; Upegui, 2008). The proliferation of Games activities counters the ES principles that exist within many of the IOC declarations, policies and programs.