The impact of tobacco control policies on university students' smoking in Ontario

Objective. Despite steady declines in the prevalence of tobacco use among Canadians, young adult tobacco use has remained stubbornly high over the past two decades (CTUMS, 2005a). Currently in Ontario, young adults have the highest proportion of smokers of all age cohorts at 26%. A growing body of evidence shows that smoking restrictions and other tobacco control policies can reduce tobacco use and consumption among adults and deter initiation among youth; whether young adult university students' smoking participation is influenced by community smoking restrictions, campus tobacco control policies or both remains an empirical question. The purpose of this study is to examine the relationship among current smoking status of students on university campuses across Ontario and various tobacco control policies, 3including clean air bylaws of students' home towns, clean air by-laws of the community where the university is situated, and campus policies. Methods. Two data sets were used. The 200512006 Tobacco Use in a Representative Sample of Post-Secondary Students data set provides information about the tobacco use of 10,600 students from 23 universities and colleges across Ontario. Data screening for this study reduced the sample to 5,114 17-to-24 year old undergraduate students from nine universities. The second data set is researcher-generated and includes information about strength and duration of, and students' exposure to home town, local and campus tobacco control policies. Municipal by-laws (of students' home towns and university towns) were categorized as weak, moderate or strong based on criteria set out in the Ontario Municipal By-law Report; campus policies were categorized in a roughly parallel fashion. Durations of municipal and campus policies were calculated; and length of students' exposure to the policies was estimated (all in months). Multinomial logistic regression analyses were used to examine the relationship between students' current smoking status (daily, less-than-daily, never-smokers) and the following policy measures: strength of, duration of, and students' exposure to campus policy; strength of, duration of, and students' exposure to the by-law in the university town; and, strength of, duration of, and students' exposure to the by-law in the home town they grew up in. Sociodemographic variables were controlled for. Results. Among the Ontario university students surveyed, 7.0% currently use tobacco daily and 15.4% use tobacco less-than-daily. The proportions of students experiencing strong tobacco control policies in their home town, the community in which their university is located and at their current university were 33.9%,64.1 %, and 31.3% respectively. However, 13.7% of students attended a university that had a weak campus policy. Multinomial logistic regressions suggested current smoking status was associated with university town by-law strength, home town by-law strength and the strength of the campus tobacco control policy. In the fmal model, after controlling for sociodemographic factors, a strong by-law in the university town and a strong by-law in students' home town were associated with reduced odds of being both a less-than-daily (OR = 0.64, 95%CI: 0.48-0.86; OR = 0.80, 95%CI: 0.66-0.95) and daily smoker (OR = 0.59, 95%CI: 0.39-0.89; OR = 0.76, 95%CI: 0.58-0.99), while a weak campus tobacco control policy was associated with higher odds of being a daily smoker (OR = 2.08, 95%CI: 1.31-3.30) (but unrelated to less-than-daily smoking). Longer exposure to the municipal by-law (OR = 0.93; 95%CI: 0.90-0.96) was also related to smoking status. Conclusions. Students' smoking prevalence was associated with the strength of the restrictions in university, and with campus-specific tobacco control policies. Lessthan- daily smoking was not as strongly associated with policy measures as daily smoking was. University campuses may wish to adopt more progressive campus policies and support clean air restrictions in the broader community. More research is needed to determine the direction of influence between tobacco control policies and students' smoking.

The Association between Tobacco Control Policies and Marijuana Use among Ontario Undergraduate Students

Background: Research indicates a steady increase in marijuana use and that it is concurrent with tobacco. There is speculation this concurrency reaches beyond use, to where policies aimed at reducing one may result in the reduction of the other. Purpose: To investigate the association between tobacco control policies and marijuana use among young adult undergraduates. Methods: A stratified sample of Ontario universities resulted in a sample of 4,966 participants. Results: Campuses with a moderately strong policy was found to be significantly associated with decreased marijuana use compared to campuses with a weak tobacco control policy. (OR=0.52, 95% CI: 0.36-0.76). Conclusions: The findings show tobacco control strategies are related to decreased odds of marijuana use among Ontario undergraduates. These findings are important to both policy makers and researchers interested in health strategies pertaining to marijuana and tobacco use and/or how health policies aimed at reducing one risk behaviour can affect another.

Opioid poisoning and availability of specialized medical care in Ontario, 2002-2006

The prescription of opioid analgesics has risen sharply in North America over the past two decades. This increase has been accompanied by a rise in overdoses. The present study draws on administrative data collected from emergency department contacts to describe the epidemiology of opioid overdose in Ontario b~tween 2002 and 2006 and to examine the role of regional variation in availability of specialist care. The number of poisonings increased from 1250 (10.9 per 100,000) in FY2002 to 1816 (15.2 per 100,000) in FY2005. Local concentration of specialist physicians was significantly associated with the incidence of opioid overdose, inversely at most levels of availability, but positively at very high levels. Regional variation in incidence was also associated with demographics, median family income, and the rate of other drug poisonings. Policy options for limiting opioid-related harms are limited, but improvements in monitoring and clinical management may prove valuable.

From Fordism to neoconservatism : free trade and Canadian industrial policy in an era of globalism /

Nothing today affects the lives of people in countries throughout the industrialized and developing world as much as international trade. Nowhere is this more true than in Canada. Canada's involvement in international trade has a long history dating back to 1854 when it was a British colony. As a major trading country, Canada has always adopted a proactive industrial policy which has been largely responsible for its relative economic prosperi ty. But, wi th businesses now free to invest and divest under the terms of the CUFTA and the NAFTA, the most fundamental concerns for Canadians, in a borderless world, are what powers will the Canadian government have to shape industrial policy, and to what extent can Canada continue as a viable nationstate if it can no longer control its national economy? These are important concerns because, in world without borders, the adjustment process becomes more volatile and more difficult to manage. The CUFTA and the NAFTA not only create the rules for conducting trade, but they also establish a set of new rules for the Canadian government that will diminish its power. As a member of a new North American trading bloc, Canada will find itself subject to a set of forces requiring analysis beyond participation in a conventional free trade area. Because many of the traditional levers of government will now be subject to external control imposed by these agreements, Canada will not be able to mount certain policies in the future that it has relied on in the past. This reality limits the pro-active role of the Canadian state to use policies and programmes for the country's immediate national development. What this thesis attempts is an examination of the evolution of Canadian industrial policy, in effect, the transi tion from Fordism to Neoconservatism, and an assessment of Canada's future as a nation-state as it tries to find security and improved access in a free trade arrangement. Unless Canada takes steps to neutralize the asymmetry of power between itself and the United States through adjustment programmes, it is the contention of this thesis that its economic future is anything but stable.

The impact of drug-induced dyskinesias on rapid alternating movements in patients with Parkinson's disease

We investigated the likelihood that hypokinesia/bradykinesia coexist with druginduced dyskinesias (DID) in patients with Parkinson's disease (PD). The influence of dyskinesias on rapid alternating movements (RAM) was investigated in ten dyskinetic patients (DPD). Their motor performance was compared to that of ten age/gendermatched non-dyskinetic patients (NDPD) and ten healthy control subjects. Whole-body magnitude (WBM) and fast pronation-supination at the wrist were recorded using 6- degrees of freedom magnetic motion tracker and forearm rotational sensors, respectively. Subjects were asked to pronate-supinate their dominant hand for 10s. Pre- and postmeasures were taken in a neutral position for 20s. RANGE (measure of hypokinesia), DURATION (measure of bradykinesia). VELOCITY (measure of bradykinesia) and IRREGULARITY (measure of fluctuations in movement amplitude) were used to assess RAM performance. Results showed that DPD patients had greater WBM than NDPD and control groups during rest and RAM performance. There were no differences in performance between NDPD and DPD groups for RANGE, DURATION and VELOCITY, despite significant longer disease duration for the DPD group (DPD = 15.5 ± 6.2 years versus NDPD = 6.6 ± 2.6 years). However, both the NDPD and DPD groups showed lower RANGE, longer DURATION, and reduced VELOCITY compared to controls,, suggesting the presence of bradykinesia and hypokinesia. In the case of IRREGULARITY, DPD patients showed clear fluctuations in movement amplitude compared to the NDPD and control groups. However, the lack of correlation between WBM and IRREGULARITY within the DPD group (Spearman's rank order, Rho - 0.31, p > 0.05), suggests that DID was not the primary cause of the fluctuating movementamplitude observed in that group. In conclusion, these findings suggest that DID may coexists with bradykinesia and hypokinesia, but that they are not inevitably accompanied with worsening motor performance.

Multinational drug corporations, intellectual property rights and the Canadian state : a historical and critical analysis

This study critically analyzes the historical role and influence of multinational drug cotpOrations and multinational corporations in general; the u.s. government and the Canadian state in negotiating the global recognition ofIntellectual Property Rights (IPR) under GATT/NAFTA. This process began in 1969 when the Liberal government, in response to high prices for brand-name drugs amended the Patent Act to introduce compulsory licensing by reducing monopoly protection from 20 to seven years. Although the financial position ofthe multinational drug industry was not affected, it campaigned vigorously to change the 1969 legislation. In 1987, the Patent Act was amended to extend protection to 10 years as a condition for free trade talks with the u.s. Nonetheless, the drug industry was not satisfied and accused Canada of providing a bad example to other nations. Therefore, it continued to campaign for global recognition ofIPR laws under GATT. Following the conclusion of the GATTI Trade-Related aspects of Intellectual Property Rights agreement (TRIPS) in 1991, the multinational drug industry and the American government, to the surprise of many, were still not satisfied and sought to implement harsher conditions under NAFTA. The Progressive Conservative government readily agreed without any objections or consideration for the social consequences. As a result, Bill C-91 was introduced. It abandoned compulsory licenses and was made retroactive from December 21, 1991. It is the contention of this thesis that the economic survival of multinational corporations on a global scale depends on the role and functions of the modem state. Similarly, the existence of the state depends on the ideological-political and socioeconomic assistance it gives to multinational corporations on a national and international scale. This dialectical relation of the state and multinational corporations is explored in our theoretical and historical analysis of their role in public policy.

Salience of Charter Schools in Educational Policy Debates in Three Canadian Provinces: 1993-2010

School choice-the movement towards increased parental and student control over public education-has been endorsed extensively as a means of revitalizing and improving public schools. Part of this movement is the concept of charter schools, which have expanded rapidly in the United States and around the globe. In stark contrast, Canadians have remained relatively content with current educational arrangements; only 13 charter schools currently exist in Canada, all in the province of Alberta. This study sought to identify why charter schools have failed to situate themselves in Canadian education. The study used an agenda setting framework to determine the salience of charter schools as a public issue in three provinces: Alberta, British Columbia, and Ontario. Results largely indicate that over the past 18 years, charter schools have gradually declined as a salient issue. Additional discussion concerning the unique characteristics of Canadian education highlights factors that appear to discourage the expansion of such schools. However, although charter schools do not appear to be a current issue for Canadians, they may still emerge in the future, as parents and teachers continue to seek new ways of improving educational outcomes. Thus, although the impact of charter schools on public education has been minimal to date, they provide an illuminating lens towards better understanding educational reform and policy, as well as the fundamental values that shape education in Canada.