Legitimacy in question : elite-mass relations, constitutional reform and Canadian democracy /

During the 1980s and 1990s, Canadian political authority orientations underwent a significant transformation. Canadians are no longer deferential towards their political elites. Instead, they are autonomous, challenging, and increasingly participatory, and this continuing trend has brought the procedural legitimacy of the Canadian political process into question. The following study of elite-mass relations within Canadian democracy attempts to provide insight into the meaning of this change and how it should be addressed. An attitudinalbehavioural analysis ofthe electorate presents evidence that popular cynicism and alienation is rooted more deeply in a dissatisfaction with political institutions and traditions than with politicians. A structural analysis of the elected political elite reveals the failure of consociational traditions to provide effective representation as well as the minimal impact which the aforementioned orientation shift has had upon this elite. An event-decisional analysis, or case study, ofelite-mass relations in the arena of constitutional politics augments these complementary profiles and illustrates how the transformed electorate has significantly restricted the elected political elite's role in constitutional reform. The study concludes that the lack ofresponsiveness, representativeness, and inclusiveness ofCanada's elected political elite, political institutions, and political traditions has substantially eroded the procedural legitimacy of Canadian democracy during the 1980s and 1990s. Remedying these three deficiencies in the political system, which are the objects of increasing public demand, may restore legitimacy, but the likelihood that such reforms will be adopted is presently uncertain in the face of formidable difficulties and obstacles.

Partnership, politics and public administration: a case study of the Ontario Ministry of Natural Resources

Efforts to reform the public sector reflect the social, political and economic environment within which government must function. The recent demands by the public for more consensual decision-making, as well as more efficient, effective and responsive public service, have resulted in a number of reform initiatives, including an emphasis on partnership development. The purpose of this thesis is to examine partnership arrangements within the public sector. Specifically, the thesis will assess the value of partnerships and their impact on government by examining six partnership arrangements involving the Ontario Ministry of Natural Resources (OMNR). The OMNR, having recently been awarded the 1992 Institute of Public Administration of Canada Award for Innovative Management, on the theme of partnership development, is being lauded as an example for other government agencies considering similar alliances. The thesis begins by introducing the concept and practice of partnership within the public sector in general and the OMNR specifically. Descriptive analysis of six OMNR partnerships is provided and a number of criteria are used to determine the success of each of these arrangements. Special attention is paid to the political implications of partnerships and to those attributes which appear to contribute to the successful establishment and iii maintenance of partnership arrangements. The conclusion is drawn that partnerships provide the government with an opportunity to address public demands for greater involvement in decision-making while accommodating government's limited financial resources. However, few truly collaborative partnerships exist within the public sector. There are also significant political implications associated with partnerships which must be dealt with both at the political and bureaucratic levels of government. Lastly, it is argued that while partnerships within the OMNR are experiencing some difficulties, they constitute a genuine attempt to broaden the base of decision-making and to incorporate the concerns of stakeholders into resource management.

Everything that rises must converge: a neo-Marxist analysis of Canadian business-government relations

The following thesis presents an analysis of business-government relations within a neo-Marxist framework. Specifically, the discussion encompasses how the business interest group. the Business Council on National Issues, maintains consensus and unity amongst its monopoly capital members. Furthermore. the study elaborates on the process through which the group's interests are acknowledged and legitimized by the state under the "public interest" f8fue. Most of the literature pertaining to business-government relations within the context of interactions between business interest groups and the state, and such specific branches of the state as the government and/or the civil service. emphasize a liberal-pluralist perspective. Essentially, these writings serve to reflect and legitimate the current slatus quo. Marxist discourses on the subject, while attempting to transcend the liberal-pluralist framework. nevertheless suffer from either economic determinism .. ie., stressing the state's accumulation function but not its legitimation function or historical specificity. A cogent and comprehensive neo-Marxist analysis of business-government relations must discuss both the accumulation and legitimation functions of the state. The process by which the concerns of a particular business interest group become part of the state's policy agenda and subsequently are formulated and implemented into policies which legitimate its dominance is also studied. This inquiry is significant given the liberal-pluralist assumptions of a neutral state and that all interest groups compete "on a level playing field". The author's neo-Marxist paradigm rejects both of these assumptions. Building on concepts from nea-Marxist instrumentalism. structuralism. state monopoly capitalism, and forms and functions of the state perspectives. the author proposes that policies which legitimize the interests of the monopoly capital fraction cannot. be discerned only from the state's activities. per StJ. Clearly, if the liberal-pluralist 3 contention of multiple and conflicting interest groups, including those within the capitalist class, is taken at face value, M interest group such as the Business Council on National Issues (BCND, must somehow maintain. internal consensus Md unity amongst its members. Internal consensus amongst its members ensures that the state can better acknowledge and articulate its concerns into policies that maintain hegemonic dominance of the monopoly capital fraction under the "public interest" fllf.JJdq. The author contends that the BCNI focuses most of its interactions on the upper echelons of the civil service since it is this branch of the state which is most responsible for policy formulation and implementation. The author's paradigm is applied within the context of extensively analyzing newspaper coverage. BCN! publications, and other published sources, as well as a personal interview with an executive administrative member of the BeNI. The discussion focuses on how agreement and unity amongst the various interests of the monopoly capital fraction are maintained through the business organization, its policy scope, and finally its interactions with the state. The analysis suggests that while the civil service is an important player in expressing the interests of the BCNI's membership through policies which ostensibly also reflect the "public interest", it is not the only strategic target for the BCNI's interactions with the state. The author's research also highlights the importance of government officials at the Cabinet level and Cabinet Committees. Senior elected officials from the Federal government are also significant in avoiding intergovernmental or interprovincial conflict in implementing policies that legitimize hegemonic dominance of the monopoly capital fraction over other fractions and classes.

Letter from the Secretary of State to Mr. Monroe, on the subject of the attack on the Chesapeake : the correspondence of Mr. Monroe with the British Government; and also Mr. Madison's correspondence with Mr. Rose on the same subject

March 23, 1808. Printed by order of the House of Representatives.

The American Weekly Messenger; or Register of State Papers, History and Politics for 1813 - 1814 Volume 1

Register of state papers, history, and politics for the years 1813 - 1814.

Estelle Cuffe Hawley fonds, 1852-1999, n.d.

Estelle Cuffe Hawley (1894-1995) was an educator, businesswoman and politician, who became the first woman alderman on the St. Catharines City Council. She began her career as a teacher in Peterborough in 1913, and later taught in St. Catharines at Connaught School and St. Paul’s Ward School, where she served as Principal for six years. In 1928-29, she worked as an exchange teacher in Edmonton, Alberta. This would be Estelle’s last year in the teaching profession. She moved back to St. Catharines in 1930 and began a career in business, as an employee of Sun Life Assurance Co. She remained in this profession until around 1952. It was during this period that she became very active in the community and local politics. In 1934 she was elected to the St. Catharines Board of Education, where she advocated for the improvement of teachers’ salaries, the introduction of nursing services in schools, and the inclusion of music in the curriculum. She served as a member of the school board until 1937. The following year, she became the first woman elected to the St. Catharines City Council. As an alderman, she worked to improve the community's social welfare services, serving consecutively as chairman of all committees. She established comprehensive health services (including medical, dental and nursing), in the public, separate and secondary schools of St. Catharines, the first program of its kind in Canada. She was also instrumental in establishing minimum housing standards and engaging the public in local government by arranging a series of lectures by city officials. She remained a member of City Council until 1943. The following year she campaigned unsuccessfully for the mayoralty. In 1953 she married Hubert Hawley and moved to Orillia. She continued to remain active in the community, serving as President of the Ontario Recreation Association from 1950-1953, and editor of their Bulletin from 1955-1961. During the 1960s, she worked with various groups, including the Voice of Women, the Mental Health Association and the Freedom from Hunger Campaign. In addition to this work, Estelle wrote poetry and short stories, some of which were published in the Peterborough Review, the Globe and Mail and the Canadian Churchman. Some of her short stories (often about her childhood experiences) were broadcast on the CBC, as well as her experiences as a Town Councillor (under the pseudonym Rebecca Johnson in 1961). She also broadcast a segment that was part of a series called “Winning the Peace” in April 1944. Estelle was a sought-after public speaker, speaking on topics such as peace, democracy, citizenship, education, and women’s rights. In 1976, Brock University conferred an honorary Doctor of Law degree to Estelle for her leadership as an educator, businesswoman and a stateswoman. Her husband Hubert died that same year, and Estelle subsequently moved to Mississauga. With the assistance of an Ontario Heritage Foundation grant, she began work on her memoir. She later moved back to Orillia and died there in 1995, at the age of 101.