The law of the sea: the United States, Canada and the deep seabed

The Falkland Islands War of 1982 was fought over competing claims to sovereignty over a group of islands off the east coast of South America. The dispute was between Argentina and the United Kingdom. Argentina claims the islands under rights to Spanish succession, the fact that they lie off the Argentine coast line and that in 1833 Great Britain took the islands illegally and by force. The United Kingdom claims the islands primarily through prescription--the fact that they have governed the islands in a peaceful, continuous and public manner since 1833. The British also hold that the population living on the islands, roughly eighteen hundred British descendants, should be able to decide their own future. The United Kingdom also lays claim to the islands through rights of discovery and settlement, although this claim has always been challenged by Spain who until 1811 governed the islands. Both claims have legal support, and the final decision if there will ever be one is difficult to predict. Sadly today the ultimate test of sovereignty does not come through international law but remains in the idea that "He is sovereign who can defend his sovereignty." The years preceding the Argentine invasion of 1982 witnessed many diplomatic exchanges between The United Kingdom and Argentina over the future of the islands. During this time the British sent signals to Argentina that ii implied a decline in British resolve to hold the islands and demonstrated that military action did more to further the talks along than did actual negotiations. The Argentine military junta read these signals and decided that they could take the islands in a quick military invasion and that the United Kingdom would consider the act as a fait accompli and would not protest the invasion. The British in response to this claimed that they never signaled to Argentina that a military solution was acceptable to them and launched a Royal Navy task force to liberate the islands. Both governments responded to an international crisis with means that were designed both to resolve the international crisis and increase the domestic popularity of the government. British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher was facing an all-time low in popularity for post-War Prime Ministers while Argentine President General Galtieri needed to gain mass popular support so he could remain a viable President after he was scheduled to lose command of the army and a seat on the military junta that ran the country. The military war for the Falklands is indicative of the nature of modern warfare between Third World countries. It shows that the gap in military capabilities between Third and First World countries is narrowing significantly. Modern warfare between a First and Third World country is no longer a 'walk over' for the First World country.

Message from the President of the United States, transmitting documents relative to the commencement and progress of any acts or system of retaliation upon prisoners of war, by the Governments of Great Britain and the United States

13th Congress, 3d session. House. Doc. no. 13. October 28, 1814. Read, referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations. Printed by A. and G. Way

An oration, delivered at Milford, N.H., March 9, 1815, occasioned by the Treaty of Peace, made and notified between Great Britain and the United States

Printed by R. Boylston

Report of the Committee on Military Affairs, on the differences that exist, between the United States and some of the individual States, respecting the relative powers of the general and state governments over the militia

February 28, 1815. Printed by order of the Senate of the United States. Printed be Roger C. Weightman

A sermon, preached in Boston, August 20, 1812, the day of humiliation and prayer, appointed by the President of the United States, in consequence of the declaration of war against Great Britain

Published at the request of the hearers. Printed by C. Stebbins

Message from the President of the United States to both Houses of Congress at the commencement of the second session of the twelfth Congress

November 4, 1812. Read, and ordered to be printed. Includes Documents accompanying the Message of the President of the United States to the two Houses of Congress, at the opening of the second session of the twelfth Congress United States. 12th Congress, 2nd session, 1812-1813. House.; United States. 12th Congress, 2nd session, 1812-1813. Senate.; United States. Congress. House.; United States. Congress. Senate. Printed by A. and C. Way

Message from the President of the United States, in relation to the claim of Virginia, an account of interest paid by that State, on moneys borrowed for the payment of the militia thereof, for services rendered the United States

April 13, 1824. Printed by order of the Senate of the United States. At head of title: 18th congress, 1st session. [64]. Printed by Cales and Seaton

Message from the President of the United States, to both Houses of Congress, at the commencement of the third session of the thirteenth Congress

Document no. 1 in U.S. 13th Congress, 3d session, 1814-1815. House. September 20, 1814. Read and committed to a committee of the whole House on the State of the Union. Printed by Roger C. Weightman

Message from the President of the United States, to both Houses of Congresses, at the commencement of the second session of the thirteenth congress, December 7, 1813.

Printed by Roger C. Weightman

Message from the President of the United States, transmitting a report of the Secretary of State, in obedience to a resolution of the thirteenth inst.

Full Title: 47. Message from the President of the United States, transmitting a report of the Secretary of State, in obedience to a resolution of the thirteenth inst. "requesting the President to lay before this House such documents relative to the Russian mediation as in his opinion it may not be improper to communicate." United States,13th Congress, 2d session, 1813-1814. House. Doc. no. 35. January 18, 1814. Ordered to lie on the table. One letter in French with English translation Printed by Roger C. Weightman

Message from the President of the United States, transmitting communications from the plenipotentiaries of the United States charged with negotiating peace with Great Britain

Full Title: Message from the President of the United States, transmitting communications from the plenipotentiaries of the United States charged with negotiating peace with Great Britain : showing the conditions on which alone that government is willing to put an end to the war 13th Congress, 3d session. House. Doc. 6. October 10, 1814. Referred to the Committee of Foreign Relations. Printed by Roger C. Weightman

Message from the President of the United States, transmitting copies of a letter from the British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, to the Secretary of State, with the answer of the latter

January 6, 1814. Ordered to lie on the table. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- At head of title: [22]. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 13th Congress, 2nd Session, House. Doc. 22. Printed by Roger C. Weightman

Mr. Giles' speech, delivered in the Senate of the United States, on Thursday, 24th November, 1808, on the resolution of Mr. Hillhouse, to repeal the embargo laws

Printed by Pool and Palfray

From Fordism to neoconservatism : free trade and Canadian industrial policy in an era of globalism /

Nothing today affects the lives of people in countries throughout the industrialized and developing world as much as international trade. Nowhere is this more true than in Canada. Canada's involvement in international trade has a long history dating back to 1854 when it was a British colony. As a major trading country, Canada has always adopted a proactive industrial policy which has been largely responsible for its relative economic prosperi ty. But, wi th businesses now free to invest and divest under the terms of the CUFTA and the NAFTA, the most fundamental concerns for Canadians, in a borderless world, are what powers will the Canadian government have to shape industrial policy, and to what extent can Canada continue as a viable nationstate if it can no longer control its national economy? These are important concerns because, in world without borders, the adjustment process becomes more volatile and more difficult to manage. The CUFTA and the NAFTA not only create the rules for conducting trade, but they also establish a set of new rules for the Canadian government that will diminish its power. As a member of a new North American trading bloc, Canada will find itself subject to a set of forces requiring analysis beyond participation in a conventional free trade area. Because many of the traditional levers of government will now be subject to external control imposed by these agreements, Canada will not be able to mount certain policies in the future that it has relied on in the past. This reality limits the pro-active role of the Canadian state to use policies and programmes for the country's immediate national development. What this thesis attempts is an examination of the evolution of Canadian industrial policy, in effect, the transi tion from Fordism to Neoconservatism, and an assessment of Canada's future as a nation-state as it tries to find security and improved access in a free trade arrangement. Unless Canada takes steps to neutralize the asymmetry of power between itself and the United States through adjustment programmes, it is the contention of this thesis that its economic future is anything but stable.