9 resultados para US broadcasting

em Brock University, Canada


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The NeO'liberal State and the Crisis ofPublic Service Broadcasting in the Anglo-American Democracies The purpose ofthis analysis ofthe present condition ofpublic service broadcasting in the Anglo- American democracies was to investigate whether such media can still be regarded as the primarypublic spherefor a dialogue between each nation 's civil society and the State. The motivationfor this thesis was based on a presumption that such fora for public discussion on the central issues of each society have become viewed as less relevant bypoliticians andpolicy-makers and thepublics they were intended to serve in the Anglo-American democracies over thepast two decades. It is speculated that this is the case because ofa beliefthat the post-war consensus between the respective States andpublics that led to the construction of the Keynesian Welfare State and the notion ofpublic service broadcasting has been displaced by an individualistic, neo-liberal, laissez-faire ideology. In other words, broadcasting as a consumer-oriented, commercial commodity has superseded concerns pertaining to the importance ofthe public interest. The methodology employed in this thesis is a comparative analysisfrom a criticalpolitical economy perspective. It was considered appropriate to focus on the United Kingdom, Australia, Canada and the\ United States because they comprise the four largest Anglo-American nations with democratic political systems andprimarily market economies. Justificationfor this particular sample is reinforced by thefact that case study countries also share a common socio-political and economic tradition. The evidence assembledfor this thesis consisted almost exclusively ofexisting literature on the subjects ofpublic service broadcasting, global economic andpolitical integration, and the ascendance ofthe 'free-market ' ethos in Western democracies since the late mid- to late-1970s. In essence, this thesis could be considered as a reinterpretation ofthe existing literature relevant to these issues. Several important common features werefound among the political, economic and broadcasting systems of the four case study nations. It is proposed that the prevalence of the neo-liberal world view throughout the political and policy environments of the four countries has undermined the stability and credibility of each nation 's national public service broadcasting organization, although with varying intensity and effect,. Deregulation ofeach nation 's broadcasting system and the supremacy ofthe notion of 'consumer sovereignty' have marginalized the view of broadcasting on any basis other than strictly economic criteria in thefour case study countries. This thesis concludes that,for a reconstruction ofa trulyparticipatory anddemocraticpublicsphere to be realized in the present as well as thefuture, a reassessment ofthe conventional concept ofthe 'public sphere ' is necessary. Therefore, it is recommended that thefocus ofpolicy-makers in each Anglo-American democracy be redirectedfrom that which conceived ofan all-encompassing, large, state-ownedand operated public broadcasting service toward a view which considers alternativeforms ofpublic communication, such as local community and ethnic broadcasting operations, that are likely to be more responsive to the needs of the increasingly diverse and heterogeneous populations that comprise the modem Anglo-American democracies. The traditional conception of public broadcasters must change in accordance with its contemporary environment if the fundamental principles of the public sphere and public service broadcasting are to be realized.

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Legal provisions in the US have extended the idea of the border to the inside of US territory. Border Patrol Agents confront people in different spaces to inquire about their status. I examine border policing along the northern border of the United States through textual and discourse analysis. This thesis asks: How do border agents exercise power and control the movement of people within 100 miles of the border? In whose interest is the border, the “nation,” secured? The spaces in which these mobile borders are practiced become the sites where “citizens” and “aliens” are produced, reproduced and contested. These border policing practices create the illusion of a “nation” that is secured for “our” interests. However, the interests of these vulnerable groups are not reflected in the immigration policy and along the “border. Therefore the very existence of immigrants and their basic right to be in the US is undermined.

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Scientists have overwhelmingly concluded that global warming occurs as a consequence of human activities and that climate change, combined with the depletion of resources, could have catastrophic consequences for the human civilization later this century. However, in political circles and in the public sphere these conclusions are not taken seriously, or they are laid aside for future generations to deal with; at the same time, significant efforts are being deployed to discredit the scientific evidence. In this thesis I have studied the positions of climate scientists as well as those of climate change deniers, and I also examined how their points of view are likely to impact the interests and habits of corporations and citizens. The work of Thomas Homer-Dixon was used as an important source for analyzing the complex interaction between our natural, economic, and social systems, and John Dewey's pattern of inquiry provided the theoretical foundation for an analysis of the current crisis and its possible solutions. No concerted action to deal with climate change has yet been taken by the leaders of the Western world; I corroborated data from four reliable sources (Hansen, 2009; IPCC, 2007; Lynas, 2007; Steffen, 2011) regarding several development scenarios and their likely consequences on greenhouse gas emissions, and I concluded that a future temperature increase of more than 2°C appears now as unavoidable. In the light of this conclusion I argue that education for increasing the resilience of smaller communities is a realistic alternative that can offer some hope in dealing with the challenges ahead.

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To examine the association between sleep disorders, obesity status, and the risk of diabetes in adults, a total of 3668 individuals aged 40+ years fromtheNHANES 2009-2010 withoutmissing information on sleep-related questions,measurements related to diabetes, and BMI were included in this analysis. Subjects were categorized into three sleep groups based on two sleep questions: (a) no sleep problems; (b) sleep disturbance; and (c) sleep disorder. Diabetes was defined as having one of a diagnosis from a physician; an overnight fasting glucose > 125 mg/dL; Glycohemoglobin > 6.4%; or an oral glucose tolerance test > 199mg/dL. Overall, 19% of subjects were diabetics, 37% were obese, and 32% had either sleep disturbance or sleep disorder. Using multiple logistic regression models adjusting for covariates without including BMI, the odds ratios (OR, (95% CI)) of diabetes were 1.40 (1.06, 1.84) and 2.04 (1.40, 2.95) for those with sleep disturbance and with sleep disorder, respectively. When further adjusting for BMI, the ORs were similar for those with sleep disturbance 1.36 (1.06, 1.73) but greatly attenuated for those with sleep disorders (1.38 [0.95, 2.00]). In conclusion, the impact of sleep disorders on diabetes may be explained through the individuals’ obesity status.

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Fort George, situated on the west side of the Niagara River in Niagara-on-the-Lake, served as the headquarters for the Centre Division of the British Army during the War of 1812. On May 25, 1813, the Americans launched an artillery attack on the Fort, destroying most of the buildings. Two days later, the Americans invaded the Town of Niagara and occupied Fort George. They remained in the Fort for almost seven months, but suffered defeats at the Battle of Stoney Creek and Beaver Dams. Only a small number of militia remained stationed at the Fort. Fearing an attack by the British, the Americans retreated back across the Niagara River in December, 1813. The Fort remained in British possession for the rest of the War.

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A letter from special events representative, T.O. Wiklund of the CBC. It is a response to a letter sent by Mrs. E.F. McCordick in regards to a hockey game that was not broadcast. The letter details the situation of the CBC and the BBC during the war and the unreliable transmission for special events like the hockey game. The letter is dated February 26, 1940.

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A letter written by Mahlon Taylor to his uncle, Samuel Clarke, dated at Marcellus [New York], July 26, 1813. Mahlon Taylor writes that he believes the mail he has sent out is not making it past Princeton, as he has not had a reply to any of his sent correspondence. He also writes that he has heard there are 3500 men at Fort George, 1000 are unfit for duty, and that there is skirmishing daily. He comments that the general opinion is that the troops will withdraw from Canada entirely. The letter is signed Mahlon C Taylor and is addressed to Mr. Samuel Clarke, no. 227 South Front Street, Philadelphia.

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The purpose of this study was to examine whether English a Second Language (ESL) instructors’ ethnocentrism could be reduced using multicultural education (MCE) principles. There were three focus group discussions and a Likert scale questionnaire. The findings demonstrated that while ESL instructors were conscious of systemic barriers, media stereotypes, and bullying, more diversity training is required in order to improve teachers’ attitudes, responses, and instructional strategies regarding integration issues due to the increasing diversity of learners present in classrooms today. The findings of the study also demonstrated that MCE principles could be used to effectively raise the awareness of ESL instructors when dealing with integration and assimilation issues. When immigration, human rights, and multicultural policies were examined critically, ESL instructors were able to improve their cross-cultural skills in the classroom to be more inclusive towards diverse ethnic groups by giving learners greater opportunities to express themselves. As a result, learners’ knowledge, experience, and skills were validated in the classroom leading to a more meaningful learning experience.

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This study examines how children make sense of “anti-oppressive” children’s literature in the classroom, specifically, books that integrate and promote positive portrayals of gender non-conformity and sexual diversity. Through a feminist poststructural lens, I conducted ethnographic observations and reading groups with twenty students in a grade one/two classroom to explore how children engage with these storybooks. I further explored how the use of these books in the classroom might help to mediate and negotiate existing gendered and heteronormative beliefs and practices within educational settings. The books used in this study challenge oppressive gender and sexuality regimes within mainstream children’s literature that have traditionally served to marginalize and silence gender non-conforming and LGBTQ individuals. Responses from participants in this study aid in questioning how dominant discourses of gender and sexuality are produced and reinforced, as well as where we may find opportunities for change and reform within the elementary school classroom.