A mass spectrometric study of some pesticides /|nK. S. Subramanian. -- 260 St. Catharines, Ont. : [s. n.],

The fragmentation processes in the mass spectra of a series of organophosphorus, organochlorine, thio and dithiocarbamate as well as a number of miscellaneous pesticides have been studied i n detail by using the Bendix timeof- flight, MS-12 single-focussing and MS-30 double-focussing mass spectrometers. Interpretation of all the spectra have been presented; their mode s of dissociation elucidated, aided by metastable transitions wherever possible and the structures of the various f ragmentation species postulated wherever f easible. The fragmentation mechanisms are based on the concepts of inductive, resonance and steric ef~ects. Multiple bond cleavages accompanied by simultaneous bond formation and rearrangement reactions involving cycli c t r ansition states have clarified t he formation of various ions . Due emphasis has been placed on the effect of the functional groups or substituents in altering the mass spectral behaviour of the pesticides as they form the basis for the identifi cation of the otherwise identical pesticides. The organophosphorus pesticides which have been studied include i) the phosphates (eg: DDVP and Phosdrin ); ii) phosphorothionates (eg: Parathion, 0-2, 4 dichloro phenyl 0, O-diethyl thionophosphate); iii) phosphorothioites (eg: Tributyl phosphorotrithioite); i V) phosphorothioates (eg: Ethion) and v) phosphorodithioates (eg: Carbophenolthion). Cleavages and rearrangements of the ester moiety dominate the spectrum of phosdrin while that of DDVP is + dominated by t he fragmentation modes of the (OH30)2P=0 + moiety. Fragmentation §f the (CH30)2P=S characterises the spectrum of (OH30)2"P -Cl while cleavages of the + (C2H50 )2P=S species mark the spectra of parathion and 0-2, 4- di chlorophenyl O, O-diethyl thiophosphate. The 0(, cl eavages of the thioether f unction rather than + cleavages of the (C2H50)2P=S signify the spectrum of carbophenolthion. Tributyl phosphorotrithioite behaves more like an aliphatic hydrocarbon than like the corresponding phosphites. The isopropyl and butyl esters of 2, 4 dichlorophenoxy acetic acid show cleavage and rearrangement ions typical of an ester. In spite of its structural similari ty to pp' - DDT and pp' - DDD, Kalthane has a completely different mass spectral behaviour due to the influence of its hydroxyl function. The thiocarbamate pesticides studied include Eptam and Perbulate. Both are structurally similar but having different alkyl substituents on nitrogen and sulphur. This structurQlsimilarity leads to similar types of (N-C), (O-S) and (S-alkyl cleavages). However, perbulate differs from Eptam in showing a rearrangement ion at mle 161 and in forming an isocyanate ion as the base peak. In Eptam the base peak i s the alkyl ion. The dithiocarbamate, Vegadex, resembles the thiocarbamates in undergoing simple cleavages but it differs from them in having a weak parent ion; in the formation of its base peak and in undergoing a series of rearrangement reactions. The miscellaneous pesticides studied include 1-Naphthalene acetic aCid- methyl ester, Fiperonyl butoxide and Allethrin. The ester i s stable to electron impact and shows only fewer ions. Piper onyl butoxide, a polyether, shows characteristics of an et her, alcohol and aldehyde . Allethrin is regarded as an ester of the type R-C-O-R1 with n R being a substituted cyclopr opane moiety and o Rt, a substituted cyclopentenone mOiety. Accordingly it shows cleavage ions typical of an aliphatic ester and undergoes bond ruptures of the cyclic moieties to give unusual ions. Its base peak is an odd electron ion, quite contrary to expectations.

Strategies for economic development in the Commonwealth Caribbean: a comparative study of the foreign economic policy strategies adopted by the Manley government in Jamaica and the Williams government in Trinidad and Tobago

This thesis compares the foreign economic poUcy dimension of the development strategies adopted by the governments of two Commonwealth caribbean countries: The Hardey government In Jamaica, and the· Williams government in Trlnidad and T ooago, The foreign economic policIes adopted by these governments appeared, on the surface~ to be markedly dissimilar. The Jamakan strategv on the one hand, emphasised self-reliance and national autonomy; and featured the espousal of radical oonaHgnment together with attempts to re-deftne the terms of the Islands externaa economIc relaUoos. The Trinidadian strategy 00 the other hand, featured Uberal externaUy-oriented growth poUctes, and close relatjoos with Western governments and financial institutions. Th1s study attempts to identify the explanatory factors that account for the apparent dlssimUarUy 1n the foreign economic policies of these two govemnents. The study is based on a comparison of how the structural bases of an underdeveloped ecooomYg and the foreign penetration and vulnerabUUy to external pressures asSOCiated wUh dependence, shape and influence foreign economic poUcy strategy. The framework views fore1gn ecooom1c strategy as an adaptive response on the part of the decision makers of a state to the coostralnts and opportunities provided by a particular situation. The · situat i 00' in this case being the events, conditions, structures and processes, associated wUh dependente and underdevelopment. The results indicate that the similarities and dissimHarities in the foreign economic policies of the governments of Jamaica and Trinidad were a reflecUon of the simHarities and dissimilarities in their respective situations. The conclusion derived suggests that If the foreign pol1cy field as an arena of choice, Is indeed one of opportunities and constraints for each and every state, then poHcy makers of smaU, weak, hlghW penetrated and vulnerable states enter thlS arena with constraints outweighing opportunities. This places effective limits 00 their decisional latitude and the range of policy options avaUable. Policy makers thus have to decide critical issues with few estabUshed precedents, in the face of domestic social and political cleavages, as wen as serious foreign pressures. This is a reflection not only of the trappings of dependence, but also of the Umned capabilities arising from the sman size of the state, and the Impact of the resource-gap In an underdeveloped economy. The Trinidadian strategy 1s UlustraUve of a development strategy made viable through a combination of a fortuitous circumstance, a confluence of the interests of influential groups» and accurate perception on the part of poUcy makers. These factors enabled policy makers to minimise some of the constraints of dependence. The faUure of Manlets strategy on the other hand, 15 iHustraUve of the problems involved tn the adoption of poUcles that work against the interest of internal and external political and economic forces. It is also tUustraUve of the consequences of the faUure 00 the part of policy makers to clarify goals, and to reconcile the values of rapid economic growth with increased self-reliance and national autonomy. These values tend to be mutuany Incompatible given the existing patterns of relations in the jnternational economy.

The problem of national integration in plural societies : a case study of Pakistan, 1947-71 /|nMuhammed A. Quddus. -- 260 St. Catharines [Ont. : s. n.],

Pakistan had a plural society per excellence. Its people were divided geographically between two separate regions, spoke different languages, had different cultures and economic structures. Like other plural societies elsewhere, Pakistan also faced the problem of national integration. Cleavages along the lines of traditional attachments are fundamental to any plural society, as they were in Pakistan. But their political manifestation could have been kept within managable limits if the Central Government, overwhelmingly composed of the West Pakistanis, was seriously committed to the task. All that Pakistan needed to maintain her integrated existence was deliberate, calculated and conscious efforts on the part of the Central Government to give the Bengalis, the majority linguistic and geographic group in the country, a partnership in the state of Pakistan, an effective power in the decision-making process of the country, a reasonable share from the economic resources of the country, and to show respect to their hopes and aspirations. In addition, Pakistan needed a national platform to bring her divergent linguistic and geographic groups toge~her for some common, national purpos~s. Political parties were the only institutions which could have served this purpose. Pakistan miserably failed to sustain national political parties and failed to satisfy Bengalis' demands. This failure eventually resulted in the falling apart of the political system of Pakistan in 1971.

The waning of the two giants: the electoral decline of the Italian Christian Democratic Party and the Italian Communist Party

Italy is currently experiencing profound political change. One aspect of this change involves the decline in electoral support for the Italian Christian Democratic Party (DC) and the Italian Communist Party (PCI), now the Democratic Party of the Left (PDS). Signs of the electoral decline of both parties began to appear in the late 1970s and early 1980s and accelerated in the late 1980s and early 1990s. The pr imar y purpos e of th is thes is is to expla i n the electoral decline of the DC and PCI/PDS in the last decade. The central question being addressed in this thesis is the following: What factors contributed to the decline in electoral support for the DC and PCI? In addition, the thesis attempts to better comprehend the change in magni tude and direction of the Italian party system. The thesis examines the central question within an analytical framework that consists of models explaining electoral change in advanced industrial democracies and in Italy. A review of the literature on electoral change in Italy reveals three basic models: structural (socioeconomic and demographic factors), subcultural (the decline of the Catholic and Communist subcultures), and pol i tical (factors such as party strategy, and the crisis and collapse of communism in iv Eastern Europe and the former soviet Union and the end to the Cold War). Significant structural changes have occurred in Italy, but they do not invariably hurt or benefit either party. The Catholic and Communist subcultures have declined in size and strength, but only gradually. More importantly, the study discovers that the decline of communism and party strategy adversely affected the electoral performances of the DC and PC!. The basic conclusion is that political factors primarily and directly contributed to the decline in electoral support for both parties, while societal factors (structural and subcultural changes) played a secondary and indirect role. While societal factors do not contribute directly to the decline in electoral support for both parties, they do provide the context within which both parties operated. In addition, the Italian party system is becoming more fragmented and traditional political parties are losing electoral support to new political movements, such as the Lega Nord (LN-Northern League) and the Rete (Network). The growing importance of the North-South and centre-periphery cleavages suggests that the Italian party system, which is traditionally based on religious and ideological cleavages, may be changing.