The green movement in Canada

The green movement has evolved over the last twenty years from various social, peace and ecology activist organizations into direct political participation in parliamentary institutions through the Green Party. Although there is no definable theory of green politics, the culmination of interacting social movements as well as feminist, decentralist and in many cases, left wing political ideology, has produced a specific kind of political direction for the Greens internationally. As a result of the increased a ttention and awareness given to ecological issues , combined with the heightened evidence of large scale environmental deterioration, public attitudes and government decisions on development and natural resource management have been significantly altered. The Green Party of Canada is still r elatively young in comparison to its European counterparts, although ecologica l awareness and interest in t he green movement in Canada is strong, as reflected not only in support on a political level for the Canadian Greens I but for environmental issues and a ctivism in general. For this reason it s important to determine whether or not the Green Party is a significant aspect of the Canadian green movement, and if in fact its representation is necessary as an active participant in the Canadian political system . The Green Party of Canada, as a vital aspect of the Canadian green movement, and its connection to international green organizations can be examined primarily through the examp l es of both the Canadian Greens and the Green party of Ontario , by using original party documents and literature, information gained through Green party meetings and discussions with members, and commentary by Green theorists where app licable. As well, the influence on the Canadian green movement by the German Green Party is outlined , again mainly through party literature, documents and critiques of the party's experiences. This study reveals several existing and potential problems fo r t he Green Party in Canada, and the political fut ure of the Canadian green movement in general. Some, such as the real i ties of the Canadian political system are external to the movement, and may be overcome with adjustments in goals and methods, and a realization of the changing attitude towards environmental issues in a political context . On the other hand, internal party disfunctions in both organization and direction, caused mainly by the indefinite parameters of green ideology, threaten to exploit the already problematic aspects evident in t he Green Party . Aside from its somewhat slow beginnings, the Green Party in Canada has developed into a strong grassroots social movement, not however from its political visibility but from the steady growth in the popul ari ty of ecological pol i t ics in Canada. Due to the seeming enormity of the obstacles facing the Greens in their effort 4 to achieve electoral success, it is doubtful that Parliamentary representation will be achieved without a major re-orientation of party organization and methods. UI timately the strength of the Green Party in Canada will be based upon its ability to survive as a significant movement, and its willingness to continue to challenge political thought and practice.

The origins of federal public enterprises in Canada: an appraisal of two approaches

The Green Party of Canada, as a vital aspect of the Canadian green movement, and its connection to international green organizations can be examined primarily through the examp l es of both the Canadian Greens and the Green party of Ontario , by using original party documents and literature, information gained through Green party meetings and discussions with members, and commentary by Green theorists where app licable. As well, the influence on the Canadian green movement by the German Green Party is out lined , again mainly through party literature, documents and critiques of the party's experiences. This study reveals several existing and potential problems fo r t he Green Party in Canada, and the political fut ure of the Canadian green movement in general. Some, such as the real i ties of the Canadian political system are external to the movement, and may be overcome with adjustments in goals and methods, and a realization of the changing attitude towards environmental issues in a political context . On the other hand, internal party disfunctions in both organization and direction, caused mainly by the indefinite parameters of green ideology, threaten to expl oi t t he al ready problematic aspects evident in t he Green Party . Aside from its somewhat slow beginnings, the Green Party in Canada has developed into a strong grassroots social movement, not however from its political visibility but from the steady growth in the popul ari ty of ecological pol i t ics in Canada . Due to the seeming enormity of the obstacles facing the Greens in their effort 4 to achieve electoral success, it is doubtful that Parliamentary representation will be achieved without a major re-orientation of party organization and methods. UI timately the strength of the Green Party in Canada will be based upon its ability to survive as a significant movement, and its willingness to continue to challenge political thought and practice.

The waning of the two giants: the electoral decline of the Italian Christian Democratic Party and the Italian Communist Party

Italy is currently experiencing profound political change. One aspect of this change involves the decline in electoral support for the Italian Christian Democratic Party (DC) and the Italian Communist Party (PCI), now the Democratic Party of the Left (PDS). Signs of the electoral decline of both parties began to appear in the late 1970s and early 1980s and accelerated in the late 1980s and early 1990s. The pr imar y purpos e of th is thes is is to expla i n the electoral decline of the DC and PCI/PDS in the last decade. The central question being addressed in this thesis is the following: What factors contributed to the decline in electoral support for the DC and PCI? In addition, the thesis attempts to better comprehend the change in magni tude and direction of the Italian party system. The thesis examines the central question within an analytical framework that consists of models explaining electoral change in advanced industrial democracies and in Italy. A review of the literature on electoral change in Italy reveals three basic models: structural (socioeconomic and demographic factors), subcultural (the decline of the Catholic and Communist subcultures), and pol i tical (factors such as party strategy, and the crisis and collapse of communism in iv Eastern Europe and the former soviet Union and the end to the Cold War). Significant structural changes have occurred in Italy, but they do not invariably hurt or benefit either party. The Catholic and Communist subcultures have declined in size and strength, but only gradually. More importantly, the study discovers that the decline of communism and party strategy adversely affected the electoral performances of the DC and PC!. The basic conclusion is that political factors primarily and directly contributed to the decline in electoral support for both parties, while societal factors (structural and subcultural changes) played a secondary and indirect role. While societal factors do not contribute directly to the decline in electoral support for both parties, they do provide the context within which both parties operated. In addition, the Italian party system is becoming more fragmented and traditional political parties are losing electoral support to new political movements, such as the Lega Nord (LN-Northern League) and the Rete (Network). The growing importance of the North-South and centre-periphery cleavages suggests that the Italian party system, which is traditionally based on religious and ideological cleavages, may be changing.

The role of a minor party : a comparative study of the British Liberal Party and the Australian Country Party since 1918

and the Australian Country Party since 1918. 2. The thesis examines the proposition that the role of a minor party is determined, not by its total strength expressed as a percentage of the national vote, but by how its strength is concentrated. Australia and Britain were chosen for the comparison because of the many similarities in political culture and in the extent of class voting. Each country has a party - the Country Party in Australia and the Liberal Party in Britain - which has had a distinct impact on the political scene in their respective countries. In the period from 1918 to the present day neither party, at the national level, has ever held the largest number of seats in parliament let alone a majority of seats, and it is in this sense that they are herein defined as minor parties. In the thesis the constitutional background of and differences between Australia and Britain are reviewed, followed by a brief historical picture of each of the two parties being studied. The sources of supporc of the two parties are analysed and it is here that real differences emerge. The Country Party in Australia is a deliberately sectional party with a narrow rural base, whereas the British Liberal Party is more broadly based than either the Labour or Conservative Parties in Britain. 3. Party leadership and organisation are then discussed. Both parties have had outstanding leaders, Earle Page and McEwen for the Country Party; Asquith, Lloyd George and Grimond for the Liberal Party. Both parties have had relatively fewer leaders than their major party opponents. However, whereas the Country Party has been free of serious splits the Liberal Party was shattered on the leadership struggles of Asquith and Lloyd George. Both parties have been identified with decentralisation of state power, the Country Party through its support, albeit sometimes lukewarm of the New States Movement; the Liberal Party through its espousal of a federal system for Britain with separate Welsh, Scottish and regional assemblies. Unfortunately for the British Liberal Party the beneficiaries of their policies in this area have been relatively new nationalist parties in both Wales arid Scotland. The major part of the thesis is devoted to a study of how the electoral systems in the two countries have, in practice, worked to the advantage or disadvantage of the Country Party and the British Liberal Party. The Country Party has been as consistently over-represented in the House of Representatives as the Liberal Party has been under-represented in the British House of Commons. With the even distribution of its support the introduction of the single transferable vote, in itself, would bring little benefit to the British Liberal Party in terms of seats. Multimember urban constituencies combined with some type of list system are the only way the Liberals are likely to obtain House of Commons seats in proportion to their votes. 4. Finally, the relations of the two minor parties with their respective major parties are considered. In the conclusion the future of the two parties is reviewed. In general terms it appears that the Country Party is faced with a slow decline. Although the British Liberal Party made a major breakthrough, in terms of votes, in the February 1974 election, they were unable to maintain this momentum in the October election, even though they lost very little ground. In the long term they must make an inroad into Labour held seats if they are to progress further.

Moving from values inaction to values-in-action : an exploration of how values can be managed intentionally by national sports organizations

The study examined the intentional use of National Sport Organizations' (NSOs) stated values. Positive Organizational Scholarship (POS) was applied to an Appreciative Inquiry (AI) approach of interviewing NSO senior leaders. One intention of this research was to foster a connection between academia and practitioners, and in so doing highlight the gap between values inaction and values-in-action. Data were collected from nine NSOs through multiple-case studies analysis of interview transcripts, websites, and constitutional statements. Results indicated that while the NSOs operated from a Management by Objectives (MBO) approach they were interested in exploring how Management by Values (MBV) might improve their organization's performance. Eleven themes from the case studies analysis contributed to the development of a framework. The 4-1 framework described how an NSO can progress through different stages by becoming more intentional in how they use their values. Another finding included deepening our understanding of how values are experienced within the NSO and then transferred across the entire sport. Participants also spoke about the tension that arises among their NSO' s values as well as the dominant values held by funding agents. This clash of values needs to be addressed before the tension escalates. Finally, participants expressed a desire to learn more about how values can be used more intentionally to further their organization's purpose. As such, strategies for intentionally leveraging values are also suggested. Further research should explore how helpful the 4-1 framework can be to NSOs leaders who are in the process of identifying or renewing their organization's values.

Managing Volunteers in Canadian Community Sport Organizations

This study examined the use of human resource management (HRM) practices with volunteers in Canadian Community Sport Organizations (CSOs). Using the Volunteer Management Inventory (VMI; Cuskelly, Taylor, Hoye & Darcy, 2006), 219 leaders of associations in basketball, curling, ice hockey, skating, skiing, swimming, and volleyball participated in this study and identified current trends in HRM practices and perceived issues in the retention of volunteers. Data collected was analyzed using mean and descriptive statistics, T-tests, ANOVAs, and regression analyses. Results indicate that there is a varying use of HRM practices amongst the organizations, and also a significant correlation between the use of HRM practices and the retention of volunteers, particularly board members. Implications and future research directions are discussed regarding how HRM practices and principles may be applied to CSOs.

The Development of a Survey to Assess the Type of Capacity within Nonprofit Sport Organizations

The topic of organizational capacity and organizational capacity-building has gained importance among Canadian nonprofit sport organizations. This is illustrated by practitioners calling for increased attention to the capacity-building matters of nonprofit organizations, and two critical Canadian federal government documents outlining strategic direction for the nonprofit sport sector. Consequently, the purpose of this quantitative research study was to develop a valid and reliable survey to categorize nonprofit sport organizations into capacity types identified by Stevens (Stevens, 2006). This quantitative research study offers a preliminary development towards achieving a reliable and valid tool for assessing types of nonprofit sport organizational capacity. This research provides interesting insight into what capacity means by organizing the all-encompassing literature into an easy to understand framework. In addition, it sets the stage for future researchers to build upon this survey development process to achieve a reliable and valid capacity measuring tool.

Sport for Development Organizations: An Analysis of Stakeholder Dynamics

Sport for Development (SFD) uses the power of sport to support international development initiatives that affect social change and empower under-resourced communities (Levermore, 2008a). Currently, there are more than 1,000 SFD organizations globally (Doyle, Payne, & Wolff, 2011) working to enact change and development initiatives in the least developed regions of the world. Stakeholders are key components of the long-term sustainability, development, and success of these SFD organizations. The purpose of this research is to examine the relationships between SFD organizations and their stakeholders through the lens of social responsibility (SR). Through the analysis of interviews conducted with SFD leaders and their stakeholders, this research offers a modified version of Carroll’s (1979) four categories of SR. This modified version addresses the differences that exist with SFD stakeholder relationships from the perspectives of the organizations and their stakeholders. Further, broader implications will be discussed in terms of compatibility and long-term sustainability.

Social Organization on the Web: How Sex workers Rights Organizations Engage in Activism and Advocacy Work Online

The purpose of this study was to examine how sex workers rights organizations use their websites as a site of activist and advocacy work and ask (i) how do various organizations conceptualize sex work on their websites, and to what extent do they incorporate an intersectional feminist perspective? (ii) what communication strategies are used by the four organizations to target audiences in the viewing public? (iii) what audiences do the four websites target? (iv) how do the four organizations discuss successes and challenges on their websites? (v) in what ways do sex worker right organizations use websites to further their goals? The websites of Maggie’s, POWER, and Stella attempt to embrace an intersectional feminist perspective of sex work, while PACE does not. The four organizations strategically use their websites to target audiences with diverse needs, specifically through advocacy efforts in educating the general public about the legitimacy of sexual labour. Additionally, to increase the use of the websites by sex workers, using social media platforms, such as Facebook and Twitter augment the untapped potential for creating action, mobilization, interaction, and dialogue on the websites.

Invitation - Presentation Party in the Garden of Buckingham Palace, 1953

An invitation to an "Afternoon Presentation Party in the Garden of Buckingham Palace on Thursday 28th May 1953 from 4 to 6 o'clock". The invitation is to Mr. and Mrs. Arthur Schmon and lists dress attire for ladies and gentlemen.

The Canada Not For Profit Corporations Act: Perceived impact on the governance of federal sport organizations

This thesis examined the impact of the Canada Not-for-Profit Corporations Act (2009) on the governance of national sport organizations (NSO). The impact of the legislation was explored through the perceptions of NSO executive leaders and by analyzing the by-laws in effect before the legislation. The legislation was perceived to have the greatest impact on enhancing accountability, specifically affecting membership categories and director selection. The interview data showed that the legislation was necessary to enhance accountability in many NSOs. The Respondents also demonstrated that they understood the goals sought through the legislation. The data also showed that the boards of NSOs were already in alignment with the goals of the legislation. With respect to governance, the data indicated that NSOs rely almost exclusively on their regional sport associations as voting stakeholders. An emerging issue that came out of the results was the role of athletes in the governance of sport organizations.

Photograph - Dressed for a Wedding Party

A group of four young ladies all dressed in formal attire. They are standing next to a tree, and a barn or shed is seen behind them. The reverse of the photo has handwritten notes that read: Ulla Ekeuer-(or Eheuer) French, Eila Ekeuer (or Eheuer), "Two cousins of them two. Dressed for wedding party".

How health organizations can apply scenario based planning and analytic technologies to make strategic consequential decisions in a time of uncertainty

The magnitude of the cervical cancer problem, coupled with the potential for prevention with recent technological advances, made it imperative to step back and reassess strategic options for dealing with cervical cancer screening in Kenya. The purpose of this qualitative study was: 1) to explore the extent to which the Participatory Action Research (PAR) methodology and the Scenario Based Planning (SBP) method, with the application of analytics, could enable strategic, consequential, informed decision making, and 2) to determine how influential Kenyan decision makers could apply SBP with analytic tools and techniques to make strategic, consequential decisions regarding the implementation of a Cervical Self Sampling Program (CSSP) in both urban and rural settings. The theoretical paradigm for this study was action research; it was experiential, practical, and action oriented, and resulted in co-created knowledge that influenced study participants’ decision making. Action Africa Help International (AAHI) and Brock University collaborated with Local Decision Influencing Participants (LDIP’s) to develop innovative strategies on how to implement the CSSP. SBP tools, along with traditional approaches to data collection and analysis, were applied to collect, visualize and analyze predominately qualitative data. Outputs from the study included: a) a generic implementation scenario for a CSSP (along with scenarios unique to urban and rural settings), and b) 10 strategic directions and 22 supporting implementation strategies that address the variables of: 1) technical viability, 2) political support, 3) affordability, 4) logistical feasibility, 5) social acceptability, and 6) transformation/sustainability. In addition, study participants’ capacity to effectively engage in predictive/prescriptive strategic decision making was strengthened.