6 resultados para Partido Liberal Radical Auténtico
em Brock University, Canada
Resumo:
The NeO'liberal State and the Crisis ofPublic Service Broadcasting in the Anglo-American Democracies The purpose ofthis analysis ofthe present condition ofpublic service broadcasting in the Anglo- American democracies was to investigate whether such media can still be regarded as the primarypublic spherefor a dialogue between each nation 's civil society and the State. The motivationfor this thesis was based on a presumption that such fora for public discussion on the central issues of each society have become viewed as less relevant bypoliticians andpolicy-makers and thepublics they were intended to serve in the Anglo-American democracies over thepast two decades. It is speculated that this is the case because ofa beliefthat the post-war consensus between the respective States andpublics that led to the construction of the Keynesian Welfare State and the notion ofpublic service broadcasting has been displaced by an individualistic, neo-liberal, laissez-faire ideology. In other words, broadcasting as a consumer-oriented, commercial commodity has superseded concerns pertaining to the importance ofthe public interest. The methodology employed in this thesis is a comparative analysisfrom a criticalpolitical economy perspective. It was considered appropriate to focus on the United Kingdom, Australia, Canada and the\ United States because they comprise the four largest Anglo-American nations with democratic political systems andprimarily market economies. Justificationfor this particular sample is reinforced by thefact that case study countries also share a common socio-political and economic tradition. The evidence assembledfor this thesis consisted almost exclusively ofexisting literature on the subjects ofpublic service broadcasting, global economic andpolitical integration, and the ascendance ofthe 'free-market ' ethos in Western democracies since the late mid- to late-1970s. In essence, this thesis could be considered as a reinterpretation ofthe existing literature relevant to these issues. Several important common features werefound among the political, economic and broadcasting systems of the four case study nations. It is proposed that the prevalence of the neo-liberal world view throughout the political and policy environments of the four countries has undermined the stability and credibility of each nation 's national public service broadcasting organization, although with varying intensity and effect,. Deregulation ofeach nation 's broadcasting system and the supremacy ofthe notion of 'consumer sovereignty' have marginalized the view of broadcasting on any basis other than strictly economic criteria in thefour case study countries. This thesis concludes that,for a reconstruction ofa trulyparticipatory anddemocraticpublicsphere to be realized in the present as well as thefuture, a reassessment ofthe conventional concept ofthe 'public sphere ' is necessary. Therefore, it is recommended that thefocus ofpolicy-makers in each Anglo-American democracy be redirectedfrom that which conceived ofan all-encompassing, large, state-ownedand operated public broadcasting service toward a view which considers alternativeforms ofpublic communication, such as local community and ethnic broadcasting operations, that are likely to be more responsive to the needs of the increasingly diverse and heterogeneous populations that comprise the modem Anglo-American democracies. The traditional conception of public broadcasters must change in accordance with its contemporary environment if the fundamental principles of the public sphere and public service broadcasting are to be realized.
Resumo:
The present dissertation examined why people adopt or endorse certain political ideologies (i.e., liberal or conservative). According to a motivated social cognition perspective (Jost, Glaser, Kruglanski, & Sulloway, 2003a; Kruglanslliberalism. By focussing on the political right and not considering the political left, there might be other motivational underpinnings of political orientation that have been overlooked. In four studies, the present dissertation ail)1ed to fill this gap by investigating what chronic and situationally induced needs underlie political orientation, with a focus on political liberalism. Based on psychological the9ries of ideology, research examining political conservatism, and experimental research examining differences between liberals and conservatives, it was proposed that four social-cognitive needs (Need for Inclusiveness, Need for Understanding, Need for Change, and Avoidance of Decisional Commitment) would be associated with liberalism. Moreover, research suggests that the relations between the needs and liberalism might be moderated by political sophistication (e.g., Converse, 1964). University students (Study 1; n == 201) and community adults (Study 2; n == 197) completed questionnaires assessing political liberalism, political sophistication, and individual differences 're~ective of the four proposed needs. As predicted, correlation and hierarchical regression analyses in both Studies 1 and 2 indicated that political liberalism was related to Need for Inclusiveness, Need for Understanding, and Need for Change. 11 Avoidance of Decisional Commitment uniquely predicted political liberalism in Study 2; however, contrary to predictions, it was unrelated to political liberalism in Study 1. Furthermore, some of these relations were moderated by political sophistication, such that among individuals with a greater knowledge of politics, the relation between certain needs and liberalism was positive. To explore the role of situationally induced needs on political liberalism, each of the four proposed needs were manipulated in Study 3. Participants (n == 120) completed one of five scrambled-sentence tasks (one for each need condition and control condition), measures of explicit and implicit political liberalism, political sophistication, and state and trait measures indicative of the four proposed needs. The ~anipulation did not successfully prime participants with the needs. Therefore, a replication of the analyses from Studies 1 and 2 was conducted on the dispositional needs. Results showed that Need for Inclusiveness, Need for Understanding, and Need for Change were linked with greater explicit and implicit political liberalism. Study 4 examined the effect of manipulated Need for Inclusiveness on participants' endorsement ofpolitical liberalism, independent of conservatism. Participants (n == 43) were randomly assigned to a Need for Inclusiveness or control condition, and completed separate measures of political liberalism and conservatism, and political sophistication. Participants in the Need for Inclusiveness condition reported greater liberalism than those in a control condition; this effect was not moderated by political sophistication. Generally, the findings from this dissertation suggest that there might be other needs underlying political ideology, especially political liberalism. Thus, consistent with others' (Jost, Glaser et aI., 2003a), individuals might adopt political liberalism as a way of gratifying certain psychological needs. Implications and future research are discussed.
Resumo:
The purpose of this study was to determine whether there was any evidence of psychosexual morbidity among men who experienced radical radiation treatment for prostate cancer. With relatively little known or available retrospective data on the psychosexual implications of radical radiation treatment in men with prostate cancer, this study posited eight research questions which provided the basis for the research. Fifty men from Southern Ontario, between the ages of 52 to 78 years, were included in the study. They had been previously randomized to a clinical trial comparing radical radiation therapy by external beam radiation, or radical radiation using a combination of a temporary iridium implant plus external beam radiation, for localized or locally advanced prostate cancer. Assessment of sexual functioning, drive, attitudes, body image, and sexual satisfaction was drawn from a multidimensional approach, since psychosexuality was viewed as having an impact on biological, psychological, and sociological domains of functioning. Medical chart reviews, semi-structured interviews, demographical profiles of each participant, and the Derogatis Sexual Functioning Inventory (DSFI) were the methods used to collect data over a four-month period. Both quantitative and qualitative research methods were incorporated in the design and evaluation of the study. Frequencies, contingency analysis, Pearson's coefficient of correlation, t-tests, and ANOVA comprised the quantitative analysis. Data obtained from audio-taped interviews were analyzed qualitatively, and used for offering further insight and for facilitating the quantitative aspect of the analysis. Overall, there was sufficient evidence to suggest psychosexual morbidity among men who were treated with radiation therapy for prostate cancer. As well,there were a number of significant findings available to answer all of the posited research questions. The most significant findings were noted in post-treatment erectile ability and sexual activity. A post-treatment change in erectile ability was reported by eighty percent of men. Sixty percent of men noted a decrease in their ability to achieve an erection by reporting some morning stiffness only, penile rigidity insufficient for penetration, decreased control of erection, and loss of spontaneous erection. Other contributing factors associated with change in erectile status were: pain or altering sensation of orgasm, blood in ejaculate, pain and decreased amount of ejaculate, and penile numbness or pain. Eighty-two percent of men experienced a post-treatment change in sexual function, primarily due to the impact of decreasing erectile status. Only seven men reported that they experienced a decrease in desire mentally, whereas the vast majority did not experience any change in desire. Changes in foreplay, stress with optimal sexual positioning, and reduced spontaneity of sex, were other factors reported with the changes in sexual activity. The findings in this study broaden our understanding of what middle- to later-aged men feel and experience as they venture onward following treatment. This was the first study that evaluated available prospective data on pre-treatment erectile status and sexual activity. As well, this study was the first (with participant compliance rates of 100 percent) to have included an interview format to capture the views of such a large number of men. This study concluded with recommendations and implications for future research and practice as we move in the direction of understanding what is necessary for preserving psychosexual well being and enhancing quality of life in men treated with radiation therapy for prostate cancer.
Resumo:
and the Australian Country Party since 1918. 2. The thesis examines the proposition that the role of a minor party is determined, not by its total strength expressed as a percentage of the national vote, but by how its strength is concentrated. Australia and Britain were chosen for the comparison because of the many similarities in political culture and in the extent of class voting. Each country has a party - the Country Party in Australia and the Liberal Party in Britain - which has had a distinct impact on the political scene in their respective countries. In the period from 1918 to the present day neither party, at the national level, has ever held the largest number of seats in parliament let alone a majority of seats, and it is in this sense that they are herein defined as minor parties. In the thesis the constitutional background of and differences between Australia and Britain are reviewed, followed by a brief historical picture of each of the two parties being studied. The sources of supporc of the two parties are analysed and it is here that real differences emerge. The Country Party in Australia is a deliberately sectional party with a narrow rural base, whereas the British Liberal Party is more broadly based than either the Labour or Conservative Parties in Britain. 3. Party leadership and organisation are then discussed. Both parties have had outstanding leaders, Earle Page and McEwen for the Country Party; Asquith, Lloyd George and Grimond for the Liberal Party. Both parties have had relatively fewer leaders than their major party opponents. However, whereas the Country Party has been free of serious splits the Liberal Party was shattered on the leadership struggles of Asquith and Lloyd George. Both parties have been identified with decentralisation of state power, the Country Party through its support, albeit sometimes lukewarm of the New States Movement; the Liberal Party through its espousal of a federal system for Britain with separate Welsh, Scottish and regional assemblies. Unfortunately for the British Liberal Party the beneficiaries of their policies in this area have been relatively new nationalist parties in both Wales arid Scotland. The major part of the thesis is devoted to a study of how the electoral systems in the two countries have, in practice, worked to the advantage or disadvantage of the Country Party and the British Liberal Party. The Country Party has been as consistently over-represented in the House of Representatives as the Liberal Party has been under-represented in the British House of Commons. With the even distribution of its support the introduction of the single transferable vote, in itself, would bring little benefit to the British Liberal Party in terms of seats. Multimember urban constituencies combined with some type of list system are the only way the Liberals are likely to obtain House of Commons seats in proportion to their votes. 4. Finally, the relations of the two minor parties with their respective major parties are considered. In the conclusion the future of the two parties is reviewed. In general terms it appears that the Country Party is faced with a slow decline. Although the British Liberal Party made a major breakthrough, in terms of votes, in the February 1974 election, they were unable to maintain this momentum in the October election, even though they lost very little ground. In the long term they must make an inroad into Labour held seats if they are to progress further.
Resumo:
The purpose of this study was to examine the disability discourses present in Ontario elementary schools curriculum. The study used a critical social analysis perspective to employ a textual discourse analysis on the Planning [title of subject] Programs for Students with Special Education Needs (PPSSEN) section of the curriculum. The present study utilized Parker's (1992) seven criteria for distinguishing discourses and discovered five main discourses; Independent, dependent, legal, scientific and agency discourses. The second step to this research was the placement and discussion of these five discourses on three diverse texts, Paulo Freire's (2008) Pedagogy o/ the Oppressed, Psychiatry Inside Out, Selected writings of Franco Basaglia, written by Scheper-Huges and Lovell (1987) and Aronowitz and Giroux's (1985) Education Under Siege: The Conservative, Liberal and Radical Debate over Schooling. These unique perspectives were used as methods of analysis tools to further analyze the dominate disability discourses. The texts provided textual support in three major areas; dialectics, critical education and structural conditions of power and language of traditional roles and responsibilities. The findings and discussions presented in this project contain significant implications for anyone involved with students with disabilities in any education system.
Resumo:
1. Triarylamminium radical-cation complexes. The detailed study of manganese, copper and nickel metal-radical complexes with triarylamminium ligands was conducted. Stable, neutral and pseudo-octahedral coordination monometallic complexes with simple monodentate 2,2`-bipyridine ligand containing a redox-active N,N`-(4,4`-dimethoxydiphenyl-amino) substituent were synthesized and fully characterized. The one-electron oxidation process and formation of persistent radical-cation complexes was observed by cyclic voltammetry and spectroelectrochemical measurements. Evans method measurements were performed with radical-cation complexes generated by chemical one-electron oxidation with NOPF6 in acetonitrile. The experimental results indicate ferromagnetic coupling between metal and triarylamminium cation in manganese (II) complex and antiferromagnetic coupling in nickel (II) complex. This data is supported by DFT calculations which also lend weight to the spin polarization mechanism as an operative model for magnetic exchange coupling. Neutral bimetallic complexes with a new ditopic ligand were synthesized and fully characterized, including magnetic and electrochemical studies. Chemical oxidation of these precursor complexes did not generate radical-cations, but dicationic complexes, which was confirmed by UV-vis and EPR-experiments, as well as varied temperature magnetic measurements. DFT calculations for radical-cation complexes are included. A synthetic pathway for polytopic ligand with multiple redox-active triarylamine sites was developed. The structure of the ligand is presumably suitable for -spin polarization exchange model and allows for production of polymetallic complexes having high spin ground states. 2. Base-catalyzed hydrosilylation. A simple reductive base-catalyzed hydrosilation of aldehydes and ketones was adapted to the use of the cheap, safe, and non-toxic polymethylhydrosiloxane (PMHS) instead of the common PhSiH3 and (EtO)3SiH, which present significant cost and safety concerns, respectively. The conversion of silane into pentacoordinate silicate species upon addition of a base was studied in details for the cases of phenyl silane and PMHS and is believed to be essential for the hydrosilylation process. We discovered that nucleophiles (a base or fluoride-anion) induced the rearrangement of PMHS and TMDS into light silanes: MeSiH3 and Me2SiH2, respectively. The reductive properties of PMHS under basic conditions can be attributed to the formation of methyl silane and its conversion into a silicate species. A procedure for the generation of methyl silane and its use in further efficient reductions of aldehydes and ketones has been developed. The protocol was extended to the selective reduction of esters and tertiary amides into alcohols and aldimines into amines with good isolated yields and reduction of heterocyclic compounds was attempted.