14 resultados para Nansha dispute

em Brock University, Canada


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Consists of a petition by residents of the Township of Crowland, and a letter addressed to the Hon. Commissioner of Crown Lands. Both items concern a dispute of a land survey. The petition is dated May 26, 1854, and is by inhabitants of the fourth concession in the Township of Crowland. The petition is signed by 9 residents. The names include James Cook (?), Samuel Buchner, James Rock (?), Wm. Vanalstine (?), Seth Skinner, Daniel Holcomb, P. Skinner (?), Henry Buchner, and Cornelius McHay (?). The letter is dated July 20, 1855 and is addressed to the Hon. Commissioner of Crown Lands, Quebec. It is signed by Arthur Johnston, Town Reeve, Bertie.

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Notice to appear for jury duty in the dispute between Stephen Jackson and Caleb Garion (plaintiffs) and William Woodruff (defendant) regarding the mill of the late John Jackson and the title deeds of the said property and the family bible of the late John Jackson containing the registry and births of his family. This is a 1 page printed document, Sept. 6, 1848.

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Conflicts over human rights in relations between East Asia and the West have increased since the end of the Cold War. Western governments express concern about human rights standards in East Asian countries. In the East, these expressions have been perceived as interference in internal affairs. Due to dramatic economic development, East Asian nations recently have gained in pride and self-confidence as global actors. Such development is observed with suspicion in the West. Concerned about the decline of global U.S. influence, some American scholars have re-invented the notion of "culture" to point at an alleged East Asian threat. Also East Asian statesmen use the cultural argument by claiming the existence of so-called 'Asian values', which they allege are the key to Eastern economic success. This thesis argues that issues of human rights in East-West relations are not only a consequence of well-intended concern by Western governments regarding the human rights and welfare of the citizens of East Asian nations, but are in fact dominated by and used as a pawn in interplay with more complicated questions of global power and economic relations between East and West. The thesis reviews the relevance of culture in East-West relations. In the West, particularly Samuel P. Huntington with his prediction of the Clash of Civilizations stands out. Singapore's Lee Kuan Yew has been very vocal on the Eastern side. Whereas the West tries to cope with its decrease of global influence, after hundreds of years under Western hegemonism, the East believes in an Asian way of development without interference form the West. Most of this dispute revolves around the issue of human rights. The West claims the universality of rights which in fact emphasizes political and civil rights. Western countries critizise poor human rights standards in East Asia. The East, in return, accuses the West of hypocritical policies that seek global dominance. East Asian governments assert that due to a different stage of development they have to stress first their rights to development in order to assure stability. In particular, China argues this way. The country's leadership, however, shows concern about human rights and has already improved its human rights record over the past years. This thesis analyses the dispute over human rights in a case study on Germany and China. Both countries have a mutual interest in trade relations which has conflicted with Germany's criticism of China's problematic human rights record. In 1996, the two countries clashed after the German parliament passed a resolution condemning China's treatment of Tibet. This caused a lot of damage to the Chinese-German relationship which in the course of the year went back to normality. In the light of these frictions a German human rights policy that focuses on unspectacular grass-roots support of China, for example in strengthening China's legal system, would be preferable. Such co-operation must be based on mutual respect.

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The thesis assesses the impact of international factors on relations between Greek and Turkish Cypriots during and after the Cold War. Through an analysis of the Cyprus problem it explores both why external actors intervene in communal conflicts and how they influence relations between ethnic groups in plural societies. The analytical framework employed throughout the study draws on contributions of International Relations theorists and students of ethnic conflict. The thesis argues that, as in the global political system, relations between ethnic groups in unranked communal systems are anarchic; that is, actors within the system do not recognize a sovereign political authority. In bipolar communal systems dominated by two relatively equal groups, the struggle for security and power often leads to appeals for assistance from external actors. The framework notes that neighboring states and Great Powers may heed calls for assistance, or intervene without a prior request, if it is in their interest to do so. The convergence of regional and global interests in communal affairs exacerbates ethnic conflicts and precludes the development of effective political institutions. The impact of external intervention in ethnic conflicts has the potential to alter the basis of communal relations. The Cyprus problem is examined both during and after the Cold War in order to gauge how global and regional actors and the structure of their respective systems have affected relations between ethnic groups in Cyprus. The thesis argues that Cyprus's descent into civil war in 1963 was due in part to the entrenchment of external interests in the Republic's constitution. The study also notes that power politics involving the United States, Soviet Union, Greece and Turkey continued to affect the development of communal relations throughout the 1960s, 70s, and, 80s. External intervention culminated in July and August 1974, after a Greek sponsored coup was answered by Turkey's invasion and partition of Cyprus. The forced expulsion of Greek Cypriots from the island's northern territories led to the establishment of ethnically homogeneous zones, thus altering the context of communal relations dramatically. The study also examines the role of the United Nations in Cyprus, noting that its failure to settle the dispute was due in large part to a lack of cooperation from Turkey, and the United States' and Soviet Union's acceptance of the status quo following the 1974 invasion and partition of the island. The thesis argues that the deterioration of Greek-Turkish relations in the post-Cold War era has made a solution to the dispute unlikely for the time being. Barring any dramatic changes in relations between communal and regional antagonists, relations between Greek and Turkish Cypriots will continue to develop along the lines established in July/August 1974. The thesis concludes by affirming the validity of its core hypotheses through a brief survey of recent works touching on international politics and ethnic conflict. Questions requiring further research are noted as are elements of the study that require further refinement.

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For persons with disabilities, the activities that able-bodied people take for granted can be major, often insurmountable challenges. Attempting to enter a restaurant for lunch with friends can result in lengthy and adversarial litigation if the facility is not accessible to a person with a disability or other mobility impairment. This litigation would be initiated after the individual was effectively refused service; a refusal based on hislher personal physical characteristics. If a shopping mall is not equipped with "access amenities", then the disabled person may be excluded from shopping there and thus exercising consumer freedom. If workplaces are not equipped to accommodate the access needs of persons with disabilities, then those people are effectively barred from gainful employment there. If a municipal goveniment building is inaccessible to disabled persons, then they may be excluded from participating in council meetings. These are all activities that the majority of the population enjoys as a matter of course, in that they represent the functions of a free citizen in a free society. If a person is excluded from such activities because of some personal characteristic, then that person is subjected to differential or discr~minatory treatment. The guarantees provided in Canadian feden! and provincial rights legislation, are such that people are not to be discriminated againsL Where buildings and facilities othen\iise open to the public are not accessible for persens with disabilities, then those people are being discriminated against. To challenge these discriminatory practices, individuals initiate complaints through the administrative justice system. To address the extent to which this is a problem, many sources were consulted. Constitutional lawyers, tribunal members, advocates for the disabled and land use planners were interviewed. Case law and legislation were reviewed. Literature on citizenship theory, dispute resolution and dispute avoidance was compiled and assessed. And, the field of land use planning was analyzed (drawing on the WTiter's educational and experiential background) as a possible alternative method for effecting systemic access for persons with disabilities. The conclusion of this study is that there does exist a proactive method for assuring access, a method that can apply the systemic remedy needed to deal with this problem. The current method, which is an adversarial and piecemeal complaint process, has proven ineffective in remedying this discrimination problem~ Failure to provide an appropriate remedy means that persons with disabilities will not enjoy the degree of citizen status enjoyed by the able-bodied. This is the current circumstance, and since equity is the aim of rights legislation, and since such legislative and administrative frameworks have failed in that purpose, then an alternative method is necessary. An alternative model is the one in which land use planning is based. It has conflict avoidance and conflict minimization as underpinnings. And, most importantly, land use planning is already a proyen method of combatting discrimination.

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The Falkland Islands War of 1982 was fought over competing claims to sovereignty over a group of islands off the east coast of South America. The dispute was between Argentina and the United Kingdom. Argentina claims the islands under rights to Spanish succession, the fact that they lie off the Argentine coast line and that in 1833 Great Britain took the islands illegally and by force. The United Kingdom claims the islands primarily through prescription--the fact that they have governed the islands in a peaceful, continuous and public manner since 1833. The British also hold that the population living on the islands, roughly eighteen hundred British descendants, should be able to decide their own future. The United Kingdom also lays claim to the islands through rights of discovery and settlement, although this claim has always been challenged by Spain who until 1811 governed the islands. Both claims have legal support, and the final decision if there will ever be one is difficult to predict. Sadly today the ultimate test of sovereignty does not come through international law but remains in the idea that "He is sovereign who can defend his sovereignty." The years preceding the Argentine invasion of 1982 witnessed many diplomatic exchanges between The United Kingdom and Argentina over the future of the islands. During this time the British sent signals to Argentina that ii implied a decline in British resolve to hold the islands and demonstrated that military action did more to further the talks along than did actual negotiations. The Argentine military junta read these signals and decided that they could take the islands in a quick military invasion and that the United Kingdom would consider the act as a fait accompli and would not protest the invasion. The British in response to this claimed that they never signaled to Argentina that a military solution was acceptable to them and launched a Royal Navy task force to liberate the islands. Both governments responded to an international crisis with means that were designed both to resolve the international crisis and increase the domestic popularity of the government. British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher was facing an all-time low in popularity for post-War Prime Ministers while Argentine President General Galtieri needed to gain mass popular support so he could remain a viable President after he was scheduled to lose command of the army and a seat on the military junta that ran the country. The military war for the Falklands is indicative of the nature of modern warfare between Third World countries. It shows that the gap in military capabilities between Third and First World countries is narrowing significantly. Modern warfare between a First and Third World country is no longer a 'walk over' for the First World country.

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The Falkland Islands War of 1982 was fought over competing claims to sovereignty over a group of islands off the east coast of South America. The dispute was between Argentina and the United Kingdom. Argentina claims the islands under rights to Spanish succession, the fact that they lie off the Argentine coast line and that in 1833 Great Britain took the islands illegally and by force. The United Kingdom claims the islands primarily through prescription--the fact that they have governed the islands in a peaceful, continuous and public manner since 1833. The British also hold that the population living on the islands, roughly eighteen hundred British descendants, should be able to decide their own future. The United Kingdom also lays claim to the islands through rights of discovery and settlement, although this claim has always been challenged by Spain who until 1811 governed the islands. Both claims have legal support, and the final decision if there will ever be one is difficult to predict. Sadly today the ultimate test of sovereignty does not come through international law but remains in the idea that "He is sovereign who can defend his sovereignty." The years preceding the Argentine invasion of 1982 witnessed many diplomatic exchanges between The United Kingdom and Argentina over the future of the islands. During this time the British sent signals to Argentina that ii implied a decline in British resolve to hold the islands and demonstrated that military action did more to further the talks along than did actual negotiations. The Argentine military junta read these signals and decided that they could take the islands in a quick military invasion and that the United Kingdom would consider the act as a fait accompli and would not protest the invasion. The British in response to this claimed that they never signaled to Argentina that a military solution was acceptable to them and launched a Royal Navy task force to liberate the islands. Both governments responded to an international crisis with means that were designed both to resolve the international crisis and increase the domestic popularity of the government. British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher was facing an all-time low in popularity for post-War Prime Ministers while Argentine President General Galtieri needed to gain mass popular support so he could remain a viable President after he was scheduled to lose command of the army and a seat on the military junta that ran the country. The military war for the Falklands is indicative of the nature of modern warfare between Third World countries. It shows that the gap in military capabilities between Third and First World countries is narrowing significantly. Modern warfare between a First and Third World country is no longer a 'walk over' for the First World country.

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AN EXAMINATION OF NHL FANS' REACTIONS TO THE CANCELLED 2004- 2005 SEASON Chad Asselstine Faculty of Applied Health Sciences, Brock University Gary Bettman, the Commissioner of the National Hockey League (NHL) stepped in front of the worldwide media on February 16, 2005 to announce that there would be no NHL games played during the 2004-2005 season. Two sides were prominent during the labour dispute; the NHL owners and the NHLP A, however a third side that became the forgotten party was the fans (NHLF A, 2005). The fans are the consumers of the NHL and all the brands associated with its franchises, they are the people who provide the revenues that allow owners to pay the players' salaries. The present study is situated within the sport marketing framework, particularly within the fan loyalty literature to provide an understanding of the impact of the 2004- 2005 lockout on the forgotten party, NHL fans. This study examines 16 fans' experiences in four stages: becoming a fan of the NHL, being a fan prior to the lockout, being a fan during the lockout including their anticipated reaction to the return of the NHL, and their actual reaction to the return of the NHL. Data was collected using face-to-face interviews with each ofthe participants, resulting in 16 fans' stories of how the lockout impacted them specifically. Through analysis of the data themes began to emerge including the fans' understanding that there was a need to restructure game play, the business operations of the NHL, a desire for service recovery strategies which would exceed fans' expectations, 4 and the desire for alternative forms of consumption including alternative hockey leagues as well as the growing popularity of poker playing. The study summarizes the effects that the NHL lockout had on the relationship between 16 individual fan~ and their favourite teams, and concludes with Suggestions for Future Research and Implications for Sport Marketers that emerged from this unique case in the history of North American professional sport.

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Item one is a minute book for Grantham Township, Ontario. It records the proceedings of meetings from 1818-1854 and the names of parish and town officers from 1818 to 1842. Names include: Chisholm, Ball, Steele, TenBroeck, Shipman, Laraway, McKerney, Adams, Pawling, Merritt, Rolls, Robertson, Lampman, Phelps, Darling. Also notes the laws agreed upon for the period - mainly dealing with livestock. Item two is a report and evidence of boundary line disputes in the Township of Grantham. Includes affidavits from witnesses to the boundary dispute and a report to the Honourable the Commissioner of Crown Lands Quebec. The affadavits were recorded in 1844, and transcribed into the folio in 1852. Lewis A. Ball was the commissioner before whom the affadavits were sworn and duly recorded. Includes field notes by Frederic F. Passmore, Provincial land surveyor. The boundary lines in dispute were 1. between the 2nd and 3rd Concessions, from Lot no. 1 to Lot no. 5, 2. between the 4th and 5th concessions, from lot no. 4 to lot no. 5 and 3. between lots 14 in the 9th and 10th concession of the Township of Grantham.

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F.R. [Francis Ramsey] Lalor (1856-1929) was born in St. Catharines, Ont. but lived most of his life in Dunnville, Haldimand County, Ont. He was a merchant and manufacturer. In 1903 he and a few partners founded the Monarch Knitting Co. Lalor was also an exporter of hardwood ashes used for agricultural purposes as fertilizer. Lalor was active in politics, he was a Conservative and the member of parliament for Haldimand, having been elected in the 1904, 1908, 1911 and 1917 elections. William Jaques lived in Simcoe, Norfolk County, Ontario. He was a junk dealer by profession.

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The fonds consists of correspondence, legal documents, a land survey, and newspaper clipping. All items are related to a land dispute concerning lots 15 and 16 in the Township of Niagara, in the County of Lincoln, fronting on the Niagara River at Queenston. This land had been owned by the Wynn family at the time of the dispute.

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Alexander McLeod was Deputy Sheriff of the Niagara District during the Rebellion of 1837-38 in Upper Canada. On December 24, 1837, he became aware of a scheme by the rebels to use the American steamboat Caroline to provide supplies to William Lyon Mackenzie and his followers on Navy Island in the Niagara River. McLeod notified the authorities in Upper Canada about the situation. A few days later, on December 29, Commodore Andrew Drew led a band of men, including McLeod, to the American side, where the Caroline was moored at Schlosser’s Wharf. A scuffle ensued, in which American Amos Durfee was killed. The Caroline was then released from its moorings, set on fire, and drifted downstream before sinking. Many Americans viewed the incident as a violation of their sovereignty. Tensions between the United States and England were already strained over a boundary dispute between Maine and New Brunswick, and the situation with the Caroline further escalated the tension. McLeod was subsequently arrested in November, 1840 in Lewiston, NY and indicted for arson and murder. The British foreign secretary, Lord Palmerston, insisted that McLeod be released and could not be held personally responsible for the incident, as he was acting on orders from authorities in Canada. Eventually, McLeod was acquitted.

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Clipping regarding the original road allowance which was part of Mr. Woodruff’s property, n.d. Clipping regarding the Lock 2 Bridge. This is a letter to the editor of the Journal from Calvin Phelps of Lockport, Nov. 13, 1889. Clipping entitled “Settled beyond a Dispute”: a letter to the Editor of the Star from J. G. Currie regarding the road allowance in the 5th Concession of Grantham, Nov. 16, 1889. Clipping entitled “That Old Road Allowance” which is a rebuttal to Mr. Currie’s letter, [1889] 2 newspaper clippings regarding: “Reg. vs. Toronto Railway Company”. These 2 articles are glued to a piece of paper. Beneath the newspaper articles is the name M. Chambers, Nov. 18, 1898. Notes regarding the clippings are enclosed with the articles. These notes and written on the back of “Pattison, Collier and Shaw Barristers, Solicitors, Etc.” stationary (notes are 2 pages, handwritten), Nov. 18, 1898. Clipping entitled “History on the Site: St. Davids’ Students Learn Lessons where Events Occurred” (2 copies), n.d.

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Letter to S.D. Woodruff from John F. Day stating that it is impossible for him to go into the woods regarding the pine in dispute. He says that Mr. Woodruff appears to ignore (or forget) that the inspection could be made by Mr. Day’s son and that proposition was agreeable to Mr. Woodruff. He says that he will (with Burton and Bro.’s consent) appoint someone who is unknown to both Mr. Woodruff and Burton and Bro. This is a 1 page handwritten letter written on a letter which was previously sent by S.D. Woodruff on May 8. This is accompanied by an envelope, July 26, 1880.