The People's Republic of China and her relations with the countries of the association of Southeast Asian nations : 1969-1975

Phe Ihesis examines the evolution of the -policies of the People fs Jtenublie of China towards J?hail°nd, PTal ysia, Singapore, Iidonesia pad the Philip-pines, organised in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations from 1969 to 1975• 2ze first central point of this study is an *ir sumption that the foreign relations of The People's Tepublic of Chi la Towards Southeast ^sia have been motivated by a dynamic interplay of t^o main factors: (1) Farxist-Leninist ideology and ICao J^e-tung Ph^ught, which dictate to China to behave as a revolutionary Dover vhich must assist the insurgent movements in the area in their strug fle to overthrow the local governments; (2) national interest, vhich demands of China to safeguard the southern flank of her territory bordering on Southerst 'sia through Friendly relations, trade and ot*»er conventional inrtniments of diplomacy. hile the tvo main motive factors are nuTually antagonistic and exclusivet the Chinere leaders are nevertheless at te mi ting to oring them iirco a coherent policy under Mao's theory of tve {hniity of op-nosites," vhich believes that it is -possible to reconcile these co-posing tendencies into a dynamic enuibrium through vhich both opnosites could be promoted at the same time although not to the same extent* la other words, the Chinese leaders conceive the dynamic equilibrium as a continuum between them in a mix in which one or the other orientation predominates in different •periods* Bins we might see China1 s conduct motivated in one period by mostly ideological considerations at the expense of the staire-to-state relations, then ve might see her policy in the middle of the continuum and suf ering from immo bill sine and just muddling through, or finally ?fe might see her emphasising friendly ties at the expense of support of revolutionary movements at the other extreme -point of the spectrum* !fhe mechanism vhich enables Peking to move from one pole to the other of the spectrum is activated by the following elementsJ (1) the result of an internal power struggle within the leadership in Peking between ideologically radical and moderate elements, which enables the victorious faction to initiate nev policies; (2) Peking's assessment of the changing intentions and capabilities of the major powers in the area; (3) internal changes within the countries of the area and the changing attitudes of their governments towards China; (4) changing fortunes of revolutionary movements operating in the area* 'Phe second major point of this study is an assertion that while China's conduct toward Southeast *lsia after her foundation in 1949 was primarily based upon ideological considerations, the beginning of the seventies saw the national interest reasserting itself as the leading motive factor* Thus China talks with her neighbours in Southeast asia in terms of relevance of fllong historical ties," casting herself into the role of a benevolent "older brother11 who is entitled to reopect and deference in exchange for patronage and protection* Hence the traditional echoes of the past are emerging ever stronger and influencing her postures towards the region, while the open support to revolutionary moevments is underplayed at the moment.

From Fordism to neoconservatism : free trade and Canadian industrial policy in an era of globalism /

Nothing today affects the lives of people in countries throughout the industrialized and developing world as much as international trade. Nowhere is this more true than in Canada. Canada's involvement in international trade has a long history dating back to 1854 when it was a British colony. As a major trading country, Canada has always adopted a proactive industrial policy which has been largely responsible for its relative economic prosperi ty. But, wi th businesses now free to invest and divest under the terms of the CUFTA and the NAFTA, the most fundamental concerns for Canadians, in a borderless world, are what powers will the Canadian government have to shape industrial policy, and to what extent can Canada continue as a viable nationstate if it can no longer control its national economy? These are important concerns because, in world without borders, the adjustment process becomes more volatile and more difficult to manage. The CUFTA and the NAFTA not only create the rules for conducting trade, but they also establish a set of new rules for the Canadian government that will diminish its power. As a member of a new North American trading bloc, Canada will find itself subject to a set of forces requiring analysis beyond participation in a conventional free trade area. Because many of the traditional levers of government will now be subject to external control imposed by these agreements, Canada will not be able to mount certain policies in the future that it has relied on in the past. This reality limits the pro-active role of the Canadian state to use policies and programmes for the country's immediate national development. What this thesis attempts is an examination of the evolution of Canadian industrial policy, in effect, the transi tion from Fordism to Neoconservatism, and an assessment of Canada's future as a nation-state as it tries to find security and improved access in a free trade arrangement. Unless Canada takes steps to neutralize the asymmetry of power between itself and the United States through adjustment programmes, it is the contention of this thesis that its economic future is anything but stable.

A Brief sketch of the public services of Major Isaac Roach /

Compiled by a committee of ten citizens, Charles Penrose, chairman.

Report of the Committee on Military Affairs, on the differences that exist, between the United States and some of the individual States, respecting the relative powers of the general and state governments over the militia.--

February 28, 1815. Printed by order of the Senate of the United States.

Resolutions reported by the Military Committee, expressive of the thanks of Congress to Major General Jackson, and the troops under his command, for their gallantry and good conduct, in the defence of New Orleans.--

February 13, 1815. Printed by order of the Senate of the United States.

Short summary of the life of Major-General Sir Isaac Brock, K.B. /

On leaf preceding t. p.: Who was Isaac Brock?

The Albion, or British, Colonial and Foreign Weekly Gazette Vol. 5, No. 18- May 2, 1846. Article on Major General Isaac Brock and the 41st Regiment on the second (reverse) page.

A weekly paper published from 1822 to 1856.

Profile Portrait of Major General Sir Isaac Brock 1769-1812

This work is a copy of a pastel oval portrait of General Brock that is supposedly the only known portrait of Brock to be done in his lifetime. The original was by William Berczy, circa 1808, and is in the possession of Captain M.H.T Mellish, a descendant of one of Brock's sisters. This portrait was completed on canvas.

Report of the Committee on Military Affairs, on the differences that exist, between the United States and some of the individual States, respecting the relative powers of the general and state governments over the militia

February 28, 1815. Printed by order of the Senate of the United States. Printed be Roger C. Weightman

Resolutions reported by the Military Committee, expressive of the thanks of Congress to Major General Jackson, and the troops under his command, for their gallantry and good conduct, in the defence of New Orleans

February 13, 1815. Printed by order of the Senate of the United States. Printed by Roger C. Weightman

Short summary of the life of Major-General Sir Isaac Brock, K.B.

On leaf preceding t. p.: Who was Isaac Brock? Printed by Clarke

[British Parliamentary papers], Session 24 November, 1812 - 22 July, 1813. Vol. XIV, Correspondence and treaties with foreign powers.

Most of this volume consists of correspondence between high ranking U.S. and British statesmen. E.g., James Madison, James Monroe, The Marquess Wellesley (brother of Arthur Wellesley, Duke of Wellington). The discussion centers around the War of 1812. Also includes facsimilies of treaties signed between Great Britain and Sweden, Russia and Sicily.

University Faculty Members’ Understanding of Their Role: Identity, Power, and Silence

This qualitative study was conducted to explore tenured faculty members’ understandings of their roles as professors. Tenure is an institutional means to enact academic freedom, which allows tenured faculty members to investigate topics of their choosing free from external influence. Academic freedom also enables faculty members to be public intellectuals who shape and critique social policies and make knowledge assertions. In effect, the faculty members are institutionally protected to speak truth to power. Purposeful sampling of 9 participants from 2 universities yielded 3 major themes: professorial identity (shaped by such factors as career stage, university culture, and faculty affiliation), professorial power (powers that participants experienced as well as the ways in which they exercised power), and professorial silencing (as a response to fiscal realities coupled with numerous governance issues). While participants were cognizant of the powers that affected their freedoms, they were less aware of the ways in which their position afforded them powers. Subtle but more potent forms of power were at play for tenured professors, but the participants saw themselves as having to work within institutional and financial constraints that limited their freedom to speak out on controversial issues. Faculty members were, thus, silenced and at times chose to self-silence. The context of the present-day university, governance models, and the financial issues affecting universities and departments worked in concert to silence this critical voice in society.

Association of Major Power Consumers in Ontario records, 1975-1989

The Association of Major Power Consumers in Ontario (AMPCO) was founded as the Niagara Basic Power Users' Association in the early 1960s. It was a coalition of seven companies in the chemical, pulp and paper, and abrasives industries within the Niagara region. The Association was formed to address increasing electricity rates. In 1974, the name changed to the Association of Direct Customers of Ontario. This change reflected the expansion of the regional Association to a provincial one, which grew in response to Ontario Hydro’s proposed rate increases of over 30 per cent. In 1975, the Association adopted its current name. AMPCO continues to advocate for “electricity rates that are competitive, fair and efficient, and a reliable supply of electrical energy across Ontario.”

Proceedings of the Court Martial Held by Order of Major Merritt

Proceedings of the court martial held by order of Major Merritt (1 double-sided page, handwritten): Captain Hamilton gave evidence against Caleb Cook (a private in Major Merritt’s Company of Light Dragoons) for disobedience and leaving quarters without leave of absence. Cook was fined and ordered to spend one month in prison. The document is stained and has holes in it along the middle fold. This does not affect the text, Aug. 7, 1812.