From Fordism to neoconservatism : free trade and Canadian industrial policy in an era of globalism /

Nothing today affects the lives of people in countries throughout the industrialized and developing world as much as international trade. Nowhere is this more true than in Canada. Canada's involvement in international trade has a long history dating back to 1854 when it was a British colony. As a major trading country, Canada has always adopted a proactive industrial policy which has been largely responsible for its relative economic prosperi ty. But, wi th businesses now free to invest and divest under the terms of the CUFTA and the NAFTA, the most fundamental concerns for Canadians, in a borderless world, are what powers will the Canadian government have to shape industrial policy, and to what extent can Canada continue as a viable nationstate if it can no longer control its national economy? These are important concerns because, in world without borders, the adjustment process becomes more volatile and more difficult to manage. The CUFTA and the NAFTA not only create the rules for conducting trade, but they also establish a set of new rules for the Canadian government that will diminish its power. As a member of a new North American trading bloc, Canada will find itself subject to a set of forces requiring analysis beyond participation in a conventional free trade area. Because many of the traditional levers of government will now be subject to external control imposed by these agreements, Canada will not be able to mount certain policies in the future that it has relied on in the past. This reality limits the pro-active role of the Canadian state to use policies and programmes for the country's immediate national development. What this thesis attempts is an examination of the evolution of Canadian industrial policy, in effect, the transi tion from Fordism to Neoconservatism, and an assessment of Canada's future as a nation-state as it tries to find security and improved access in a free trade arrangement. Unless Canada takes steps to neutralize the asymmetry of power between itself and the United States through adjustment programmes, it is the contention of this thesis that its economic future is anything but stable.

School funding and education policy-making models in Ontario /

The purpose of this thesis is to examine various policy implementation models, and to determine what use they are to a government. In order to insure that governmental proposals are created and exercised in an effective manner, there roust be some guidelines in place which will assist in resolving difficult situations. All governments face the challenge of responding to public demand, by delivering the type of policy responses that will attempt to answer those demands. The problem for those people in positions of policy-making responsibility is to balance the competitive forces that would influence policy. This thesis examines provincial government policy in two unique cases. The first is the revolutionary recommendations brought forth in the Hall -Dennis Report. The second is the question of extending full -funding to the end of high school in the separate school system. These two cases illustrate how divergent and problematic the policy-making duties of any government may be. In order to respond to these political challenges decision-makers must have a clear understanding of what they are attempting to do. They must also have an assortment of policy-making models that will insure a policy response effectively deals with the issue under examination. A government must make every effort to insure that all policymaking methods are considered, and that the data gathered is inserted into the most appropriate model. Currently, there is considerable debate over the benefits of the progressive individualistic education approach as proposed by the Hall -Dennis Committee. This debate is usually intensified during periods of economic uncertainty. Periodically, the province will also experience brief yet equally intense debate on the question of separate school funding. At one level, this debate centres around the efficiency of maintaining two parallel education systems, but the debate frequently has undertones of the religious animosity common in Ontario's history. As a result of the two policy cases under study we may ask ourselves these questions: a) did the policies in question improve the general quality of life in the province? and b) did the policies unite the province? In the cases of educational instruction and finance the debate is ongoing and unsettling. Currently, there is a widespread belief that provincial students at the elementary and secondary levels of education are not being educated adequately to meet the challenges of the twenty-first century. The perceived culprit is individual education which sees students progressing through the system at their own pace and not meeting adequate education standards. The question of the finance of Catholic education occasionally rears its head in a painful fashion within the province. Some public school supporters tend to take extension as a personal religious defeat, rather than an opportunity to demonstrate that educational diversity can be accommodated within Canada's most populated province. This thesis is an attempt to analyze how successful provincial policy-implementation models were in answering public demand. A majority of the public did not demand additional separate school funding, yet it was put into place. The same majority did insist on an examination of educational methods, and the government did put changes in place. It will also demonstrate how policy if wisely created may spread additional benefits to the public at large. Catholic students currently enjoy a much improved financial contribution from the province, yet these additional funds were taken from somewhere. The public system had it funds reduced with what would appear to be minimal impact. This impact indicates that government policy is still sensitive to the strongly held convictions of those people in opposition to a given policy.

Autonomic regulation and blood pressure in children

Vagal baroreflex sensitivity (BRS) is a measure of short term blood pressure (BP) regulation through alterations in heart rate. Low BRS reflects impaired autonomic system regulation and has been found to be a surrogate marker for cardiovascular health. In particular, it has found to be associated with the pathogenesis of adult hypertension. However, only limited information exists as to the negative consequences of childhood BP on baroreflex function. The objective of this study was to investigate BRS in children with 2 different BP profiles while controlling for the effects of age, maturation, sex, and body composition. A preliminary subsample of 11-14 year-old children from the HBEAT (Heart Behavioural Environmental Assessment Team) Study was selected. The children were divided into 2 BP groups; high BP (HBP; 2:95tl1 percentile, n=21) and normal BP (NBP; <90th percentile, n=85). Following an initial 15 minutes of supine rest, 5 minutes of continuous beat-to-beat BP (Finapres) and RR interval (RRI) were recorded (standard ECG). Spectral indices were computed using Fast Fourier Transform and transfer function analysis was used to compute BRS. High frequency (HF) and low frequency (LF) power spectral areas were set to 0.15-0.4 Hz and 0.04-0.15 Hz, respectively. Body composition was measured using body mass index. After adjusting for body composition, maturation, age and sex ANCOV A results were as follows; LF and HF BRS, LF and HF RRI, and RRI total power were lower in the HBP versus NBP participants (p<0.05). As well, LF IHF SBP ratio was significantly higher in the HBP compared to the NBP group (p<0.05). The regression coefficients (unstandardized B) indicated that in changing groups (NBP to HBP) LF and HF BRS decreases by 4.04 and 6.18 ms/mmHg, respectively. Thus, as BP increases, BRS decreases. These data suggest that changes in autonomic activity occur in children who have HBP, regardless of age, sex, maturation, and body composition. Thus, despite their young age and relatively short amount of time having high BP compared with adults, these children are already demonstrating poor BP regulation and reduced cardiovagal activity. Given that childhood BP is associated with hypertension in adulthood, there is a growing concern in regards to the current cardiovascular health of our children and future adults.

The Co-occurrence of Depressive Symptoms and Alcohol Use for Adolescent Boys and Girls: An Investigation of the Role of Self-Regulation and Approach Behavior

While many studies have been conducted on adolescent depressive symptoms and alcohol use, much of the research has examined these behaviors separately rather than examining their co-occurrence within individuals. In the present study, adolescents (N = 4412; 49% female) were surveyed at four time points (grade 9, 10, 11, and 12) and growth mixture modeling was used to identify groups of individuals reporting various patterns of depressive symptoms and alcohol use across the high school years. Four groups were identified, including co-occurrence (higher depressive symptoms and higher alcohol use relative to peers, comprising 6.1 % of boys and 7.1 % of the girls in the sample), pure depressive symptoms (higher depressive symptoms and lower alcohol use; 12.7% of boys and 12.5% of girls), pure alcohol use (higher alcohol use and lower depressive symptoms; 20.9% of boys and 19.9% of girls), and low co-occurrence (lower depressive symptoms and alcohol use, 60.3% of boys and 60.5% of girls). Groups were compared on self-regulatory (i.e., delay of gratification) and approach behaviors. For both boys and girls, delay of gratification was the strongest predictor of group membership, with the co-occurrence group scoring the lowest and the low co-occurrence group the highest. This finding emphasizes the importance of assessing delay of gratification in the identification of high risk youth.