The historical game-changes in the philosophy of devotion and caste as used and misused by the Bhagavad-gita

This thesis considers that the purport of the Bhagavadgita is to prioritize the philosophy of loving devotion to God (bhakti), not the propagation of color-coded-caste (varna system). The distinction between bhakti and caste becomes clear when one sees their effect on human life and on the society. Jnana and karma, two of the other polarities with which the Gita contends, finally support bhakti towards betterment, not deterioration, if done selflessly and with balance. Caste, however, is a totally different tension, which is always detrimental to the well-being of the person and the society. In the Gita, the devotees' mystical or emotional love of, God apprehends their ~ oneness with the Supreme God and with all beings, and transcends the pitiless segregation of the caste system, and opens the path of salvation to all irrespective of race, color, caste, class or gender in life. In spite of much opposition from orthodoxy, the bhakti movement spread allover India, and bhakti itself rose to the level of orthodoxy and has become the faith of millions of people especially of the south, and surprisingly, of even of those of the so called highest caste. And yet, caste still remains as an indelible mark of every Hindu, even after they change their religion. Although caste is less venomous now, it is still openly present in all walks of Indian life and shows up its ugly head at important moments such as marriage, elections for public office, admission to school or employment. True, bhakti is the antidote for. caste; but only real bhakti can remove caste completely, not mere lip-service to it. This thesis claims that bhakti is the deliberate major thrust of the teaching of the Gita while caste seems to be a contradiction of this thrust.

Decision-making theory applied to India's explosion of a nuclear device in May, 1974

This essay reviews the decision-making process that led to India exploding a nuclear device in May, 1974. An examination of the Analytic, Cybernetic and Cognitive Theories of decision, will enable a greater understanding of the events that led up to the 1974 test. While each theory is seen to be only partially useful, it is only by synthesising the three theories that a comprehensive account of the 1974 test can be given. To achieve this analysis, literature on decision-making in national security issues is reviewed, as well as the domestic and international environment in which involved decisionmakers operated. Finally, the rationale for the test in 1974 is examined. The conclusion revealed is that the explosion of a nuclear device by India in 1974 was primarily related to improving Indian international prestige among Third World countries and uniting a rapidly disintegrating Indian societal consensus. In themselves, individual decision-making theories were found to be of little use, but a combination of the various elements allowed a greater comprehension of the events leading up to the test than might otherwise have been the case.

Letter from George Cran regarding a Christian mission in India, 1803.

George Cran was the son of a farmer in the parish of Forgue in Aberdeen Shire, Scotland. He became a member of the church at Huntley, Scotland where his devotion to God inspired him to become a Sunday school teacher. He subsequently became a member of the London Missionary Society. In 1801 he was sent to study at the seminary in Gosport, England where he spent two to three years. His desire was to preach Christ to the “heathens”. Messrs. Ringeltaube, Des Granges and Cran were designated to work in India. No ships for the East India Company would grant passage to missionaries due to the open hostility of the government therefore they set sail from Copenhagen on April 20, 1804 and reached Tranquebar on December 5th, 1805. Cran and Des Granges were designated to supervise the churches in Tinnevelly and they were to begin a mission among the northern Circars. This would have meant that they would have to work in two different places which would have separated them by over 500 miles. The society didn’t seem to be aware of the vast hindrances that the missionaries had to face. Cran and Des Granges decided instead to work in Vizagapatam where they were welcomed by many of the European residents. They conducted English services for which they were paid a monthly salary by the governor. They also conducted services for the natives and opened a school for native children. By November of 1806 a mission house had been built and a “charity” school for Eurasian children was opened. Cran and Des Granges were also diligently studying the native language and they began to translate the Bible into Telugu (spoken by the Hindus who live along the lower basins of the Kistna and Godaveri Rivers). In November of 1808 Cran was almost killed by a fever which left him severely weakened. He was only partially recovered, but accepted an invitation by the general who commanded the local district to accompany him on a journey around the province. The journey proved to be too much for Cran and he died on January 6th, 1809. He is buried at Chicacole, India. He is remembered for his successful work at Vizagapatam and his translation of the Bible. The fact that it was 27 years after the arrival of Cran before a single native was converted attests to the fact that this was a very difficult undertaking. The London Missionary Society was formed in 1795 in England by evangelical Anglicans and nonconformists. It is a non-denominational society and now forms part of the Council for World Mission. with information from The Voice of God to the Churches a Sermon on the Death of George Cran, Augustus Des Granges and Jonathan Brain by David Bogue and The History of the London Missionary Society 1795-1895 by Richard Lovett