18 resultados para Folk dancing

em Brock University, Canada


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Based on a critical analysis of recent Canadian and British media, academic, and political representations of rave, in conjunction with the author's and ten female interviewees' past experiences as active rave participants, the purpose of this thesis is to show the ways that rave can be understood as political. Drawing on a post-structural understanding of politics, which understands macro social issues and micro personal experiences as intimately linked and inseparable, this thesis fills a gap in the existing rave literature by explicitly drawing out (a) the ways that active rave participation is entangled in dominant understandings of age and gender-appropriate activities, and (b) the implications that these entanglements have on the ways that some women experience and construct their past active rave participation. Specifically, the author examines the ways that age and gender intersect and inform the discourses on which research participants drew to describe and rationalize their experiences of becoming, being, and ceasing to be active rave participants in Toronto, Ontario, Canada. At the same time that the majority of research participants' introductions to rave followed heterosexualized and heternormative patterns, they also constructed active rave participation as a way to challenge popular representations of rave as an inappropriate activity, especially for young women. When rationalizing the cessation of their active rave participation, however, these women reproduced depictions of rave participation as a transitory and juvenile phase where older women are particularly misplaced. The various ways that these women simultaneously challenged, experienced, and facilitated dominant ageist and patriarchal discourses about who does and does belong in rave are interpreted as evidence that micro rave experiences cannot be divorced from macro discriminatory discourses, and that "the personal is political."

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This issue of Pleasant Hours: a paper for young folk contains an article titled "The Story of Queenston Heights".

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This thesis presents Zen experience as aesthetic in nature. This is done through an analysis of language, a central concern for Zen Buddhism. The thesis develops two modes of language at work in Zen: representational and indexical. What these modes of language entail, the kind of relations that are developed through their use, are explored with recourse to a variety of Zen platforms: poetry, the koan, zazen, music, and suizen. In doing so, a primacy of listening is found in Zen - a listening without a listener. Given this primacy of listening, silence comes to the forefront of the investigation. An analysis of John Cage's 4'33" provides this thesis with justification of the groundlessness of silence, and the groundlessness of subjectivity. Listening allows for the abyssal subject to emerges, which in tum allows for reality to present itself outside of the constitutive function of language.

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By relying on existing cultural models, the Victorian spa promoted health and wellness. Advertising, together with other forms of promotion, strengthened the legitimacy of its claims to cure a variety of health problems. By the use of some links to science and a mystical folk belief about the efficacy of the local mineral waters, three spas emerged in St.Catharines: the Stephenson House, the WeIland House, and the Springbank. As the twentieth century approached, the spa movement declined and institutionalized medicine struggled to establish a monopoly on health care. This thesis argues that the health spas in St. Catharines occupied that transitional space in nineteenth century medicine between home remedy and hospital. The interplay between scientific discovery and business enterprise produced a climate in which the Victorian health resort flourished. This phenomenon, combined with the various maladies brought on by industrialization, nineteenth-century lifestyle, and the absence of medical options, created a surge in the popularity of health spas and mineral spring therapies. By the tum of the twentieth century, interest in mineral water treatments had declined. The health resorts that had blossomed between 1850 and 1899 began to experience a serious decrease in business. This popular movement became outmoded in the face of emerging medical and scientific knowledge. In St. Catharines, the last resort to remain standing, the WeIland House, finished out the city's spa era as a hospital.

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In this thesis, I explore how the folk-rock music of Ani DiFranco has influenced the activist commitments, sensibilities, and activities of reproductive rights activists. My interest in the relation of popular music to social movements is informed by the work of Simon Frith (1987, 1996a, 1996b), Rob Rosenthal (2001), and Ann Savage (2003). Frith argues that popular music is an important contributor to personal identity and the ways that listeners see the world. Savage (2003) writes that fans develop a unique relationship with feminist/political music, and Rosenthal (2001) argues that popular music can be an important factor in building social movements. I use these arguments to ask what the influence of Ani DiFranco's music has been for reproductive rights activists who are her fans. I conducted in-depth interviews with ten reproductive rights activists who are fans of Ani DiFranco's music. All ten are women in their twenties and thirties living in Ontario or New York. Each has been listening to DiFranco's music for between two and fifteen years, and has considered herself a reproductive rights activist for between eighteen months and twenty years. I examine these women's narratives of their relationships with Ani DiFranco's music and their activist experience through the interconnected lenses of identity, consciousness, and practice. Listening to Ani DiFranco's music affects the fluid ways these women understand their identities as women, as feminists, and in solidarity with others. I draw on Freire's (1970) understanding of conscientization to consider the role that Ani's music has played in heightening women's awareness about reproductive rights issues. The feeling of solidarity with other (both real and perceived) activist fans gives them more confidence that they can make a difference in overcoming social injustice. They believe that Ani's music encourages productive anger, which in turn fuels their passion to take action to make change. Women use Ani's music deliberately for energy and encouragement in their continued activism, and find that it continues to resonate with their evolving identities as women, feminists, and activists. My study builds on those of Rosenthal (2001) and Savage (2003) by focusing on one artist and activists in one social movement. The characteristics of Ani DiFranco, her fan base, and the reproductive rights movement allow new understanding of the ways that female fans who are members of a female-dominated feminist movement interact with the music of a popular independent female artist.

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Surficial sediments east of Dunnville, Ontario representing a limited deltaic/lacustrine/aeolian system are investigated with the aim of defining and interpreting their geological history by means of exarrrrning their sedimentology and interrelationships. The Folk and \oJard grain size statistics of samples fran the area were calculated. These sample parameters were e1en plotted on maps to detennine regional patterns. The strongest pattern observed was one of distinct fining to the east, away fran the sand source. Aeolian deposits were fourrl to be better sorted than the surrcunding sediments. The grain size parameter values were also plotted on bivariate graphs in an attempt to separate the samples according to depositional environment. This exercise met with little success, as rrost of the sediments sampled in the area have similar grain size parameters. This is believed to be because the sediment sources for the different environments (delta, distal delta, aeolian dune) are intimately related, to the point that nnst dunes appear to have been sourcErl fran immediately local sediments. It is FOstulated that in such a srrall sedimentological sub-system, sediments were not involved in active transport for a length of time sufficient for the rraterial to cane to equilibritnn with its transporting medium. Thus, fe..v distinctive patterns of parameters were developed that would enable one to differentiate between various environments of neposition. The i.rnTaturity of rrany dune forms and the i.Imaturity of mineralogical composition of all deposits support the above hyt:XJthesis of limited transport time. Another hypothesis proposen is that eadh geologically or geographically distinct area or "sub-system" rray have its o,.m "signature" of grain size relationships as plotted on bivariate graphs. Thus, the emphasis, concerning graphs of this type, should not be placErl on attempting to nifferentiate between various environnents of deposition, hut raB1er on investigating the interrelationships between sanples am environments within that "sub-system". Through the course of this investigation, the existence of nelta plain distributary Channels in the thesis area is SUG0ested, and the mscovery of significantly mfferent sub-units within the TUnnville dune sediments is documented. It is inferred by reference to other authors interpretations of the glacial history of the area, that the tirre of effective aeolian acti vi ty in the Dunnville area was between 12,300 to 12,100 years R.p.

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In 1997, Paul Gilroy was able to write: "I have been asking myself, whatever happened to breakdancing" (21), a form of vernacular dance associated with urban youth that emerged in the 1970s. However, in the last decade, breakdancing has experienced a massive renaissance in movies (You Got Served), commercials ("Gotta Have My Pops!") and documentaries (the acclaimed Freshest Kids). In this thesis, 1 explore the historical development of global b-boy/bgirl culture through a qualitative study involving dancers and their modes of communication. Widespread circulation of breakdancing images peaked in the mid-1980s, and subsequently b-boy/b-girl culture largely disappeared from the mediated landscape. The dance did not reemerge into the mainstream of North American popular culture until the late 1990s. 1 argue that the development of major transnational networks between b-boys and b-girls during the 1990s was a key factor in the return of 'b-boying/b-girling' (known formerly as breakdancing). Street dancers toured, traveled and competed internationally throughout this decade. They also began to create 'underground' video documentaries and travel video 'magazines.' These video artefacts circulated extensively around the globe through alternative distribution channels (including the backpacks of traveling dancers). 1 argue that underground video artefacts helped to produce 'imagined affinities' between dancers in various nations. Imagined affinities are identifications expressed by a cultural producer who shares an embodied activity with other practitioners through either mediated texts or travels through new places. These 'imagined affinities' helped to sustain b-boy/b-girl culture by generating visual/audio representations of popularity for the dance movement across geographical regions.

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Norah and Fred Fisher welcomed John Fisher into the world on November 29, 1912, not knowing what an influential role he would play in shaping Canada's history. John Fisher grew up as the middle child of five brothers and sisters in Frosty Hollow, New Brunswick, close to today’s town of Sackville. Sackville’s main industry was the Enterprise Foundry which the Fisher family owned and operated; however, Fisher had no plans of going into the family business. He was more inspired by his maternal grandfather, Dr. Cecil Wiggins, who lived with the family after retiring from the Anglican ministry. Wiggins encouraged all his grandchildren to be well read and to take part in discussions on current events. There were often visitors in the Fisher household taking part in discussions about politics, religion, and daily life. Fisher forced himself to take part in these conversations to help overcome his shyness in social settings. These conversations did help with his shyness and also in forming many opinions and observations about Canada. It put Fisher on the road to becoming Mr. Canada and delivering the many eloquent speeches for which he was known. Fisher did not venture far from home to complete his first degree. In 1934 he graduated from Mount Allison University in Sackville, NB with an Arts degree. The same year Fisher enrolled in Dalhousie’s law school. During his time at Dalhousie, Fisher discovered radio through Hugh Mills. Mills or “Uncle Mel” was on CHNS, Halifax’s only radio station at the time. Fisher began by making appearences on the radio drama show. By 1941 he had begun writing and broadcasting his own works and joined the staff as an announcer and continuity writer. In 1936 the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation was formed, the first National radio station. Fisher joined the CBC shortly after it’s beginning and remained with them, as well as the Halifax Herald newspaper, even after his law school graduation in 1937. By 1943 Fisher’s talks became a part of the CBC’s programming for a group of maritime radio stations. Fisher once described his talks as follows “my talks weren’t meant to be objective. . . they were meant to be favourable. They were ‘pride builders’” He began his famed John Fisher Reports at CBC Toronto when he transfered there shortly after the war. This program brought emmence pride to the fellow Canadians he spoke about leading to approximately 3500 requests per year to speak at banquets and meeting throughout Canada and the United States. Fisher was a well travelled indivdual who would draw on personal experiences to connect with his audience. His stories were told in simple, straight forward language for anyone to enjoy. He became a smooth, dynamic and passionate speaker who sold Canada to Canadians. He became a renowned journalist, folk historian, writer and broadcaster. Fisher was able to reach a vast array of people through his radio work and build Canadian pride, but he did not stop there. Other ways Fisher has contributed to Canada and the Canadian people include: Honoured by five Canadian Universities. 1956, became the Director of the Canadian Tourist Association. 1961, was appointed Special Assistant to the Prime Minister of Canada. 1963, Commissioner of the Centennial Commission (the Federal Agency Responsible for Canada’s 100th birthday) 1968, received the Service Medal , a coveted Order of Canada. President of John Fisher Enterprises Ltd., private consultant work, specializing in Centennial planning, broadcasts, lectures and promotion. John Fisher continued recording radio broadcasts even after his diagnosis with cancer. He would record 3 or 4 at a time so he was free to travel across Canada, the U.S., Europe and Mexico in search of treatments. Fisher passed away from the disease on February 15, 1981 and he is buried at Mount Pleasant Cemetery in Toronto.

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Michael Sands Hornyansky was the son of well-known artist, Nicholas Hornyansky and a cellist. He attended Oakwood Collegiate, Toronto; University College in Toronto and Merton College, Oxford where he was a Rhodes scholar. He won the Newdigate prize for poetry in 1951. Dr. Hornyansky taught English Language and Literature at Carleton University, Ottawa for 10 years before moving to Niagara in 1964. He was the founding chairman of the English Department of Brock University where he remained until his retirement in 1993. Some of his achievements include:The Golden Phoenix, a retelling of French Canadian folk tales and the publishing of papers on children’s literature and the discriminating use of the English language. He also reviewed poetry for the University of Toronto Quarterly. Michael Hornyansky died on May 14th, 2008 in Alberta at the age of 81. The annual Michael Hornyansky prize for creative writing was established at Brock University.

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Poster with details for the first grand fete and gala taking place Monday May 25, 1874. Festivities include: fireworks, "grand flight of a fiery pigeon", dancing, music, balloon and more.

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One broadside advertising the Niagara Falls Seminary [school for young Ladies], run by Mrs. Shotter of Drummondville, ca. 1840. The advertisement contains information about fees and courses, including a complete English education, music, French, drawing and flower painting, and dancing. The bottom of the page contains a list of references for Mrs. Shotter, including Ex-Consul Buchanan, Colonel Delatre, Rev. W. Leeming, Rector of Chippawa (all of Drummondville); Dr. Mewburn (Stamford); Rev. T.B. Fuller, Rector of Thorold; John Stayner, Esq., P.M. Queenston; William Gamble, Esq., Milton, near Toronto; and Hon. John Hamilton, Kingston.

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The letter describes Eleanore Celeste's time away with her brother. She has spent her time canoeing, playing golf, dancing and plans to attend the movies. The next day is a sailing trip to see Plymouth Rock. The next week she will be in Connecticut and then home.

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This letter discusses an outing to the Leake's and then an evening of dancing at the country club. The letter is labelled number 142.

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The letter describes a party with family at the Pell Tree Inn where they had dinner and dancing. She also mentions that Arthur was made an instructor of topography and may soon do his examinations for second lieutenant.

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The letter begins by describing her Red Cross uniform to be worn during the Xmas campaign. She also mentions an outing to see a show "Glorianna", then dancing at Murrays, then Hunter Island Inn for dinner. This letter is labelled number 202.