Marginal/minority popular music : the concept of the "third space" and the case for "hybridities" of cultures/identities /

The topic of this thesis is marginaVminority popular music and the question of identity; the term "marginaVminority" specifically refers to members of racial and cultural minorities who are socially and politically marginalized. The thesis argument is that popular music produced by members of cultural and racial minorities establishes cultural identity and resists racist discourse. Three marginaVminority popular music artists and their songs have been chosen for analysis in support of the argument: Gil Scott-Heron's "Gun," Tracy Chapman's "Fast Car" and Robbie Robertson's "Sacrifice." The thesis will draw from two fields of study; popular music and postcolonialism. Within the area of popular music, Theodor Adorno's "Standardization" theory is the focus. Within the area of postcolonialism, this thesis concentrates on two specific topics; 1) Stuart Hall's and Homi Bhabha's overlapping perspectives that identity is a process of cultural signification, and 2) Homi Bhabha's concept of the "Third Space." For Bhabha (1995a), the Third Space defines cultures in the moment of their use, at the moment of their exchange. The idea of identities arising out of cultural struggle suggests that identity is a process as opposed to a fixed center, an enclosed totality. Cultures arise from historical memory and memory has no center. Historical memory is de-centered and thus cultures are also de-centered, they are not enclosed totalities. This is what Bhabha means by "hybridity" of culture - that cultures are not unitary totalities, they are ways of knowing and speaking about a reality that is in constant flux. In this regard, the language of "Otherness" depends on suppressing or marginalizing the productive capacity of culture in the act of enunciation. The Third Space represents a strategy of enunciation that disrupts, interrupts and dislocates the dominant discursive construction of US and THEM, (a construction explained by Hall's concept of binary oppositions, detailed in Chapter 2). Bhabha uses the term "enunciation" as a linguistic metaphor for how cultural differences are articulated through discourse and thus how differences are discursively produced. Like Hall, Bhabha views culture as a process of understanding and of signification because Bhabha sees traditional cultures' struggle against colonizing cultures as transforming them. Adorno's theory of Standardization will be understood as a theoretical position of Western authority. The thesis will argue that Adorno's theory rests on the assumption that there is an "essence" to music, an essence that Adorno rationalizes as structure/form. The thesis will demonstrate that constructing music as possessing an essence is connected to ideology and power and in this regard, Adorno's Standardization theory is a discourse of White Western power. It will be argued that "essentialism" is at the root of Western "rationalization" of music, and that the definition of what constitutes music is an extension of Western racist "discourses" of the Other. The methodological framework of the thesis entails a) applying semiotics to each of the three songs examined and b) also applying Bhabha's model of the Third Space to each of the songs. In this thesis, semiotics specifically refers to Stuart Hall's retheorized semiotics, which recognizes the dual function of semiotics in the analysis of marginal racial/cultural identities, i.e., simultaneously represent embedded racial/cultural stereotypes, and the marginal raciaVcultural first person voice that disavows and thus reinscribes stereotyped identities. (Here, and throughout this thesis, "first person voice" is used not to denote the voice of the songwriter, but rather the collective voice of a marginal racial/cultural group). This dual function fits with Hall's and Bhabha's idea that cultural identity emerges out of cultural antagonism, cultural struggle. Bhabha's Third Space is also applied to each of the songs to show that cultural "struggle" between colonizers and colonized produces cultural hybridities, musically expressed as fusions of styles/sounds. The purpose of combining semiotics and postcolonialism in the three songs to be analyzed is to show that marginal popular music, produced by members of cultural and racial minorities, establishes cultural identity and resists racist discourse by overwriting identities of racial/cultural stereotypes with identities shaped by the first person voice enunciated in the Third Space, to produce identities of cultural hybridities. Semiotic codes of embedded "Black" and "Indian" stereotypes in each song's musical and lyrical text will be read and shown to be overwritten by the semiotic codes of the first person voice, which are decoded with the aid of postcolonial concepts such as "ambivalence," "hybridity" and "enunciation."

A journey into narrative inquiry : one teacher's lived experience with eating disorders /

In "A Journey Into Narrative Inquiry: One Teacher's Lived Experience With Eating Disorders," an elementary teacher searches for answers regarding how education can help prevent eating disorders by journeying into her own experience of having had such a disorder. This qualitative study is a personal narrative based on an individual's experience, a method appropriate to the sharing of personal voices and stories told in education research. It is an attempt to address the gap found in the research on this topic by offering a subjective and unique perspective of what it is like to live within the nightmare of an eating disorder and by sharing the wisdom gained from having survived such an experience. This narrative inquiry explains how a teacher found herself at a stage where she was willing and ready to share her experience for the sake of research. The story of having had an eating disorder, consisting of both anorexia and bulimia, for over a decade is shared in a genuine, reflective manner. The researcher then shares the analysis of her own story, unpacking the themes of journeying toward voice, self-esteem, self-acceptance, and self and the completion of an M.Ed. degree. Bridges are made which connect these themes to the personal and professional life of the researcher, to the schools in terms of both curriculum and climate, to research directions, and to the larger culture. Suggestions are made for possible changes in educational settings that may help teachers in providing students with some tools and strategies to prevent turning to eating disorders as coping mechanisms. A literature review of eating disorders is included as well, as a guide for others to use when undertaking such qualitative studies.

Ontario Tender Fruit Grower’s Marketing Board Fonds, 1960, 1967, 1969-1977, 1980-1981, 1987

The Ontario Tender Fruit Marketing Board operates under the Farm Producers Marketing Act. It covers all tender fruit farmers who produce either fresh or canned products. Today the board has over 500 grower-members. Tender fruit in the Niagara region includes: peaches, pears, plums, grapes and cherries. The fruits are used in a number of different ways, from jams and jellies to desserts, sauces and wine. Peaches were first harvested along the Niagara river in 1779. Peter Secord (Laura Secord’s uncle) is thought to be the first farmer to plant fruit trees when he took a land grant near Niagara in the mid 1780s. Since the beginnings of Secord’s farm, peaches, pears and plums have been grown in the Niagara region ever since. However, none of the original varities of peach trees remain today. Peaches were often used for more than eating by early settlers. The leaves and bark of the tree was used to make teas for conditions such as chronic bronchitis, coughs and gastritis. Cherries have been known to have anti-inflammatory and pain relieving properties. Like peaches and cherries, pears had many uses for the early pioneers. The wood was used to make furniture. The juice made excellent ciders and the leaves provided yellow dyes. Plums have been around for centuries, not only in the Niagara region, but throughout the world. They have appeared in pre-historic writings and were present for the first Thanksgiving in 1621. The grape industry in Ontario has also been around for centuries. It began in 1798 when land was granted to Major David Secord (brother-in-law to Laura Secord) slightly east of St. David’s, on what is Highway No. 8 today. Major Secord’s son James was given a part of the land in 1818 and in 1857 passed it onto Porter Adams. Adams is known to be the first person to plant grapes in Ontario1. Tender fruits are best grown in warm temperate climates. The Niagara fruit belt, stretching 65km from Hamilton to Niagara on the Lake, provides the climate necessary for this fruit production. This belt produces 90% of Ontario’s annual tender fruit crop. It is one of the largest fruit producing regions in all of Canada.

Minute Books and Tyler’s Register of Plantagenet Preceptory No.8 Knights Templar

The Sovereign Great Priority of Canada is a national Masonic organization which consists of seventy-six preceptories that are organized within fifteen districts. The no.8 Plantagenet, St. Catharines is listed under the Hamilton District .The warrant (document issued to authorize formation of a lodge) was issued to this preceptory on November 14th, 1866. This preceptory is still active and meets on the first Monday of every month excepting June, July, August and September. with information from the website Sovereign Great Priory of Canada Meaning of the Tyler/Tiler’s Register: Historically speaking, medieval craft guilds guarded their trade secrets. They placed a guard outside their doors. This person would generally be a junior apprentice who was not entitled to attend trade discussions. The Masons continued this use of doorkeepers. In 1723 in The First Book of Constitutions Dr. James Anderson mentioned “another brother to look after the door, but shall not be a member of it” and in regulation XXVI charged the use of “doorkeepers”. In the minutes of June 8, 1732 this person’s specific title was referred to as “the Tyler”. The word “tyler” appeared in print in new regulation XXVI of the 1738 Second Book of Constitutions. The Masonic ritual of today calls him “a brother without the door”. The Tyler is usually a Past Master who is very knowledgeable in Masonic law and customs. He does not need to be a member of the lodge. He greets brethren and assures that they are “duly qualified”. He gives the first impression of the lodge and insures that visitors and members sign the Tyler’s Register. with information from www.masonicsites.org

What happens in the first 200 ms of word reading : ERP studies on visual word recognition with top-down and bottom-up approaches /

In this thesis, three main questions were addressed using event-related potentials (ERPs): (1) the timing of lexical semantic access, (2) the influence of "top-down" processes on visual word processing, and (3) the influence of "bottom-up" factors on visual word processing. The timing of lexical semantic access was investigated in two studies using different designs. In Study 1,14 participants completed two tasks: a standard lexical decision (LD) task which required a word/nonword decision to each target stimulus, and a semantically primed version (LS) of it using the same category of words (e.g., animal) within each block following which participants made a category judgment. In Study 2, another 12 participants performed a standard semantic priming task, where target stimulus words (e.g., nurse) could be either semantically related or unrelated to their primes (e.g., doctor, tree) but the order of presentation was randomized. We found evidence in both ERP studies that lexical semantic access might occur early within the first 200 ms (at about 170 ms for Study 1 and at about 160 ms for Study 2). Our results were consistent with more recent ERP and eye-tracking studies and are in contrast with the traditional research focus on the N400 component. "Top-down" processes, such as a person's expectation and strategic decisions, were possible in Study 1 because of the blocked design, but they were not for Study 2 with a randomized design. Comparing results from two studies, we found that visual word processing could be affected by a person's expectation and the effect occurred early at a sensory/perceptual stage: a semantic task effect in the PI component at about 100 ms in the ERP was found in Study 1 , but not in Study 2. Furthermore, we found that such "top-down" influence on visual word processing might be mediated through separate mechanisms depending on whether the stimulus was a word or a nonword. "Bottom-up" factors involve inherent characteristics of particular words, such as bigram frequency (the total frequency of two-letter combinations of a word), word frequency (the frequency of the written form of a word), and neighborhood density (the number of words that can be generated by changing one letter of an original word or nonword). A bigram frequency effect was found when comparing the results from Studies 1 and 2, but it was examined more closely in Study 3. Fourteen participants performed a similar standard lexical decision task but the words and nonwords were selected systematically to provide a greater range in the aforementioned factors. As a result, a total of 18 word conditions were created with 18 nonword conditions matched on neighborhood density and neighborhood frequency. Using multiple regression analyses, we foimd that the PI amplitude was significantly related to bigram frequency for both words and nonwords, consistent with results from Studies 1 and 2. In addition, word frequency and neighborhood frequency were also able to influence the PI amplitude separately for words and for nonwords and there appeared to be a spatial dissociation between the two effects: for words, the word frequency effect in PI was found at the left electrode site; for nonwords, the neighborhood frequency effect in PI was fovind at the right elecfrode site. The implications of otir findings are discussed.

Letter to Isabel from someone whose last name is Price [the first name is illegible]

Letter to Isabel from someone whose last name is Price [the first name is illegible] in which the writer says that the row with Phil regarding the bonds is settled (1 ½ pages). This person does not anticipate any more trouble with Phil. They are sending the personal effects to Isabel as well as a cheque for $3000 as her share of the estate, and more next month, July 15, 1901.