What happens in the first 200 ms of word reading : ERP studies on visual word recognition with top-down and bottom-up approaches /

In this thesis, three main questions were addressed using event-related potentials (ERPs): (1) the timing of lexical semantic access, (2) the influence of "top-down" processes on visual word processing, and (3) the influence of "bottom-up" factors on visual word processing. The timing of lexical semantic access was investigated in two studies using different designs. In Study 1,14 participants completed two tasks: a standard lexical decision (LD) task which required a word/nonword decision to each target stimulus, and a semantically primed version (LS) of it using the same category of words (e.g., animal) within each block following which participants made a category judgment. In Study 2, another 12 participants performed a standard semantic priming task, where target stimulus words (e.g., nurse) could be either semantically related or unrelated to their primes (e.g., doctor, tree) but the order of presentation was randomized. We found evidence in both ERP studies that lexical semantic access might occur early within the first 200 ms (at about 170 ms for Study 1 and at about 160 ms for Study 2). Our results were consistent with more recent ERP and eye-tracking studies and are in contrast with the traditional research focus on the N400 component. "Top-down" processes, such as a person's expectation and strategic decisions, were possible in Study 1 because of the blocked design, but they were not for Study 2 with a randomized design. Comparing results from two studies, we found that visual word processing could be affected by a person's expectation and the effect occurred early at a sensory/perceptual stage: a semantic task effect in the PI component at about 100 ms in the ERP was found in Study 1 , but not in Study 2. Furthermore, we found that such "top-down" influence on visual word processing might be mediated through separate mechanisms depending on whether the stimulus was a word or a nonword. "Bottom-up" factors involve inherent characteristics of particular words, such as bigram frequency (the total frequency of two-letter combinations of a word), word frequency (the frequency of the written form of a word), and neighborhood density (the number of words that can be generated by changing one letter of an original word or nonword). A bigram frequency effect was found when comparing the results from Studies 1 and 2, but it was examined more closely in Study 3. Fourteen participants performed a similar standard lexical decision task but the words and nonwords were selected systematically to provide a greater range in the aforementioned factors. As a result, a total of 18 word conditions were created with 18 nonword conditions matched on neighborhood density and neighborhood frequency. Using multiple regression analyses, we foimd that the PI amplitude was significantly related to bigram frequency for both words and nonwords, consistent with results from Studies 1 and 2. In addition, word frequency and neighborhood frequency were also able to influence the PI amplitude separately for words and for nonwords and there appeared to be a spatial dissociation between the two effects: for words, the word frequency effect in PI was found at the left electrode site; for nonwords, the neighborhood frequency effect in PI was fovind at the right elecfrode site. The implications of otir findings are discussed.

The time-course of lexical activation in Japanese morphographic word recognition: Evidence for a character-driven processing model

This lexical decision study with eye tracking of Japanese two-kanji-character words investigated the order in which a whole two-character word and its morphographic constituents are activated in the course of lexical access, the relative contributions of the left and the right characters in lexical decision, the depth to which semantic radicals are processed, and how nonlinguistic factors affect lexical processes. Mixed-effects regression analyses of response times and subgaze durations (i.e., first-pass fixation time spent on each of the two characters) revealed joint contributions of morphographic units at all levels of the linguistic structure with the magnitude and the direction of the lexical effects modulated by readers’ locus of attention in a left-to-right preferred processing path. During the early time frame, character effects were larger in magnitude and more robust than radical and whole-word effects, regardless of the font size and the type of nonwords. Extending previous radical-based and character-based models, we propose a task/decision-sensitive character-driven processing model with a level-skipping assumption: Connections from the feature level bypass the lower radical level and link up directly to the higher character level.