Legitimacy in question : elite-mass relations, constitutional reform and Canadian democracy /

During the 1980s and 1990s, Canadian political authority orientations underwent a significant transformation. Canadians are no longer deferential towards their political elites. Instead, they are autonomous, challenging, and increasingly participatory, and this continuing trend has brought the procedural legitimacy of the Canadian political process into question. The following study of elite-mass relations within Canadian democracy attempts to provide insight into the meaning of this change and how it should be addressed. An attitudinalbehavioural analysis ofthe electorate presents evidence that popular cynicism and alienation is rooted more deeply in a dissatisfaction with political institutions and traditions than with politicians. A structural analysis of the elected political elite reveals the failure of consociational traditions to provide effective representation as well as the minimal impact which the aforementioned orientation shift has had upon this elite. An event-decisional analysis, or case study, ofelite-mass relations in the arena of constitutional politics augments these complementary profiles and illustrates how the transformed electorate has significantly restricted the elected political elite's role in constitutional reform. The study concludes that the lack ofresponsiveness, representativeness, and inclusiveness ofCanada's elected political elite, political institutions, and political traditions has substantially eroded the procedural legitimacy of Canadian democracy during the 1980s and 1990s. Remedying these three deficiencies in the political system, which are the objects of increasing public demand, may restore legitimacy, but the likelihood that such reforms will be adopted is presently uncertain in the face of formidable difficulties and obstacles.

Investigation into the determination of arsenic by direct current plasma atomic emission spectrometer

Improvements have been made on the currently available hydride generator system manufactured by SpectraMetrics Incorporated, because the system was found to be unsatisfactory with respect to the following: 1. the drying agent, anhydrous calcium chloride, 2. the special sample tube, 3. the direction of argon flow through the Buchner funnel when it came to dealing with real sample, that is, with reference only to aqueous extracts of soil samples. Changes that were made on the system included the replacement of anhydrous calcium chloride with anhydrous calcium sulphate and the replacement of the special sample tube with a modified one made from silica. Re-directing the flow of argon through the top of the Buchner funnel appeared to make the system compatible with aqueous extracts of soil samples. The interferences from 1000 ~g/mL of nickel(II) , cobalt(II), iron(III), copper(II) have been eliminated with the aid of 1.4 M hydrochloric acid and 1% (weight/volume) L-cystine. Greater than 90% recovery of 0.3 ~g/mL arsenic signal was achieved in each case. Furthermore, 103% of arsenic signal was accomplished in the presence of 1000 ~g/mL cadmium with 5 M Hel. tVhen each of the interferents was present in solution at 1000 ppm, a recovery of 85% was achieved by using 5 M hydrochloric acid and 3% (weight/volume) L-cystine. Without L-cystine and when 1.4 M hydrochloric acid was used, the recoveries were 0% (Ni), 0% (Co), 88% (Fe), 15% (Cu), 18% (Cd). Similarly, a solution containing 1000 ppm of each interferent gave a zero percent recovery of arsenic. The reduction of trivalent and pentavalent arsenic at a pH less than one has also been investigated and shown to be quantitative if peak areas are measured. The reproducibility determination of a 0.3 Vg/mL standard arsenic solution by hydride generation shows a relative standard deviation of 3.4%. The detection limits with and without Porapak Q have been found to be 0.6 ng/mL and 1.0 ng/mL, respectively.

Transfection of newt blastema mesenchyme using the techniques of lipofection and direct gene transfer

The regenerating amphibian limb provides a useful system for studying genes involved in the establishment of positional information. While a number of candidate genes that may playa role in pattern formation have been identified, their function in vivo is unknown in this system. To better ascertain the role of these genes, it would be useful to be able to alter their normal patterns of expression in vivo and to assess the effects of this misexpression on limb pattern. In order to achieve this, a method of introducing a plasmid containing the eDNA of a gene of interest into a newt blastema (a growth zone of mesenchymal progenitor cells) is needed. Unfortunately, most commonly used transfection techniques cannot be used with newt blastema cells. In this study, I have used the techniques of lipofection and direct gene transfer to introduce plasmid DNA containing reporter genes into the cells of a regenerating newt limb. The technique of lipofection was most effective when the blastema cells were transfected in vitro. The optimal ratio for transfection was shown to be 1:3 DNA:Lipofectin (W/w) , and an increase in the amount of DNA present in the mixture (1:3 ratio maintained) resulted in a corresponding increase in gene expression. The technique of direct gene transfer was used to transfect newt blastema cells with and without prior complex formation with Lipofectin. Injection of plasmid DNA alone provided the most 3 promising results. It was possible to introduce plasmid DNA containing the reporter gene ~-galactosidase and achieve significant gene expression in cells associated with the injection site. In the future, it would be interesting to use this technique to inject plasmid DNA containing a gene which may have a role in pattern formation into specific areas of the newt blastema and to analyze the resulting limb pattern that emerges.

A crisis of social democracy : organized labour and the NDP in an era of neoliberalism

The NDP was founded out of the ashes of the Co-Operative Commonwealth Federation to cooperate with the Canadian Labour Congress to become the 'political arm of organized labour' in Canada. The NDP has long claimed they are the party which represents the policy goals of organized labour in Canada: that the NDP alone will fight for trade union rights, and will fight for Canadian workers. Divergent Paths is an examination of the links between the labour movement and the ND P in an era ofneo-liberalism. Provincial NDP governments have become increasingly neoliberal in their ideological orientation, and have often proved to be no friend to the labour movement when they hold office. The Federal party has never held power, nor have they ever formed the Official Opposition. This thesis charts the progress of the federal NDP as they become more neoliberal from 1988 to 2006, and shows how this trend effects the links between the NDP and labour. Divergent Paths studies each federal election from 1988 to 2006, looking at the interactions between Labour and the NDP during these elections. Elections provide critical junctions to study discourse - party platforms, speeches, and other official documents can be used to examine discourse. Extensive newspaper searches were used to follow campaign events and policy speeches. Studying the party's discourse can be used to determine the ideological orientation of the party itself: the fact that the party's discourse has become neoliberal is a sure sign that the party itself is neoliberal. The NDP continues to drive towards the centre of the political spectrum in an attempt to gain multi-class support. The NDP seems more interested in gaining seats at any cost, rather then promoting the agenda of Labour. As the party attempts to open up to more multi-class support, Labour becomes increasingly marginalised in the party. A rift which arguably started well before the 1988 election was exacerbated during that election; labour encouraged the NDP to campaign solely on the issue of Free Trade, and the NDP did not. The 1993 election saw the rift between the two grow even further as the Federal NDP suffered major blowbacks from the actions of the Ontario NDP. The 1997 and 2000 elections saw the NDP make a deliberate move to the centre of the political spectrum which increasingly marginalised labour. In the 2004 election, Jack Layton made no attempt to move the party back to the left; and in 2006 the link between labour and the NDP was perhaps irreparably damaged when the CAW endorsed the Liberal party in a strategic voting strategy, and the CLC did not endorse the NDP. The NDP is no longer a reliable ally of organized labour. The Canadian labour movement must decide wether the NDP can be 'salvaged' or if the labour movement should end their alliance with the NDP and engage in a new political project.

“Frisco Line” St. Louis and San Francisco Railway the direct line through St. Louis schedule

“Frisco Line” St. Louis and San Francisco Railway the direct line through St. Louis schedule, Jan. 9, 1882.